Opinion
Reflections on Nigeria’s Elections

Aminu Ali.
The wanton disregard for democratic norms by our decadent and retrogressive ruling elites is increasingly becoming acute.
We are inextricably entangled in a quagmire of building democracy with anti-democratic political class.
It is obvious, at least to every discerning mind that our politicians are not willing to allow democratic principles to thrive.
For instance, in matters of election – which is one of the cardinal elements of democracy – we are embroiled in snakes and ladders: a step forward and another or two backward.

The progress made in reforming our electoral processes in 2015 has been brazenly reversed by our political class. Voter suppression, ballot snatching and stuffing, vote-buying, violence, militarization of polls, among other forms of irregularities and malpractices, have become the defining features of our elections.
The recent “elections” in Kano, Kogi and Bayelsa States were characterized by these terrible incidents.
Waste of resources
When I think of the enormous resources we invest to conduct “elections” and the sacrifice we make for that purpose I become worried.
For instance, according to the Daily Trust’s investigation, what INEC spent on 2019 general elections was more than what India spent to conduct its elections in 2014, “where 553.8 million people voted.”
We have spent hundreds of billions (in naira) to conduct elections since the return to civil rule.
Worse still, the billions, if not trillions, spent on campaigns, vote-buying, consultation fee to marabouts, ritualists, sorcerers and thugs are mostly stolen from the public treasury, since the contestants are either serving looters, ex-looters (with intention to resume their looting spree) or they are being sponsored by these looters.
Dividends of democracy denied
We have had six general elections since 1999, and during every campaign, our politicians make promises to address the same problems they promised to address in the preceding campaign.
Yet, these problems/challenges (poverty, unemployment, inequality, insecurity, corruption, poor access to healthcare services, falling standard of education, among others) have only worsened!
It’s also disturbing that during every election, lives and property are lost as a result of electoral violence, and businesses and schools are shut down for at least two to three days.
More worrisomely, with all the massive investment and sacrifices (of lives, property and school and business activities) made during elections, most Nigerians do not participate either because they have lost faith in our political elites or their franchise is being suppressed through violence or militarization of the polling centers. With this low participation, the legitimacy of the “elected” governments is, in my opinion, questionable, since democracy is supposedly a “government of the people, by the people and for the people.”
Otherwise, we have to revisit the definition of democracy.
Considering the points made above, one may be tempted to doubt whether the benefits we have gained from the six general elections held since1999 surpassed the cost incurred in conducting them. More fundamentally, we need to reflect on whether we can really get things right through this quadrennial ritual.
My worry is that “elections” in Nigeria always produce the same set of characters under the same or different (though the difference is just in nomenclature) platforms.
It’s quite unfortunate that our leadership recruitment processes have been monetized and bastardized, such that decent and principled people find leadership positions well-nigh inaccessible. Worse still, Nigerians lack the culture of civic engagement that is needed to check the excesses of our ruling elites.
We naively assume that by alternating between the ruling classes parties, we will one day have a crop of leaders who, out of sheer altruism, could get us out of our woes.
Or, maybe, we interminably await providential intervention to salvage us from the yoke of our misrulers.
We have to act
We are yet to recognize that as long as we cannot keep our leaders on their toes through organized resistance, we will never gain the dividends of democracy.
In other words, if we continue to remain acquiescent or consenting spectators, things will keep worsening before our eyes.
It is, therefore, necessary to begin serious conversations on how to initiate popular struggles in order to make our country better. Redeeming Nigeria from the unscrupulous political elites is difficult, but not impossible.
Therefore, the difficulty of this task shouldn’t deter us from the struggles for a political alternative.
The great African revolutionary and Marxist ideologue, Amilcar Cabral, aptly admonishes: “mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories.”
Aminu Ali wrote from the Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via email: aminuali@yahoo.com.

Opinion
A Family of Huffaz: The Remarkable Legacy of Professor Salisu Shehu

Saleh Adamu Kwaru
Prof. Salisu Shehu’s academic career is marked by a series of significant achievements that reflect his commitment to scholarly excellence. He has held various academic positions, contributing to the development of curricula and educational programs that emphasize critical thinking and ethical reasoning. He is celebrated for his excellence, perseverance, and hard work. He not only enhances every responsibility he takes on but also transforms tasks to provide better service. When confronted with a seemingly impossible challenge, Prof. Salisu finds a way to make it achievable.
However, beyond his academic and professional accomplishments, there are hidden treasures in Prof. Salisu’s life, particularly within the confines of his home. Navigating through his home reveals the hard work and dedication to nurturing a family grounded in Islamic knowledge and values. Recently, he hosted a Walima to celebrate the remarkable achievement of his seven children, all of whom have memorized the entire Qur’an. Among them is Ummu Sulaim’s extraordinary achievement of memorizing 20,000 ahadith. Before these remarkable children, the older siblings had already achieved similar successes.

These accomplishments are not mere coincidences; they stem from scholarly guidance, strong parenting, and mentorship, as well as the supportive and enriching environment that Prof. Shehu has cultivated at home. This dedication and success attest to Allah’s statement: “And those who strive for Us – We will surely guide them to Our ways. And indeed, Allah is with the doers of good.” (29:69).
Prof. Salisu’s parenting philosophy is grounded in instilling a solid foundation of Islamic knowledge and values, which has clearly borne fruit in his children’s achievements. It is also on record that all the children have excelled in their academic pursuits, with some breaking graduation records. These children have ventured into various fields of knowledge, including law, medicine, science, and other critical areas of study. This remarkable feat highlights the importance of determination and dedication in the pursuit of knowledge. As stated in the Qur’an, “And say, ‘My Lord, increase me in knowledge’” (Qur’an 20:114).
The influence of Prof. Shehu’s family extends beyond their academic and spiritual achievements. The family’s home environment is characterized by a culture of continuous learning, mutual respect, and a commitment to community service. Prof. Salisu’s wives have played instrumental roles in nurturing their children and instilling values of discipline, empathy, and resilience. The family’s unity and shared values have created a nurturing space where each member can thrive and contribute positively to society.
As a respected academic and leader, he has played a pivotal role in the development of educational institutions and has served as a mentor to numerous aspiring professionals. His legacy is characterized by a commitment to instilling values of hard work, firmness, and faith in future generations. As John C. Maxwell said “A leader is one who knows the way, goes the way and shows the way”, Prof. Shehu’s mentorship and outreach programs have empowered many young scholars to pursue their academic and professional aspirations, creating a ripple effect of positive change within the community.
Truly, Prof. Salisu’s journey is not just about his own achievements; it also highlights the influence of his values and principles on those around him. The inspiring journey serves as a compelling case study in the intersection of personal success, decent, humble life devoted to serving humanity. His legacy is one of inspiring future generations to strive for excellence and to contribute positively to society. In Sahih Al-Bukhari, the Prophet (May Allah’s Peace and blessings be upon him) said ‘All of you are guardians and are responsible for your subjects. The ruler is a guardian and is responsible for his subjects; a man is a guardian of his family and is responsible for his subjects; a woman is a guardian in her husband’s home and is responsible for her subjects’. This hadith underscores the importance of fulfilling one’s duties and being accountable for those we care for, whether in positions of authority or within our families.
Indeed, if there is a life worthy of emulation and practice, it is that of Prof Salisu Shehu, Walin Tabawa Balewa. His unwavering principles and ethical standards serve as a model for integrity, excellence and devotion. Embracing the values and lessons from his life can guide us towards making meaningful contributions in our own endeavors and striving to create a better world for future generations.
Allah Ya karawa Wali lafiya da jinkiri mai alkhari.

Opinion
IGP tenure elongation may spell doom on national security, Human rights lawyer Dantani raises alarm

A human rights lawyer, Hamza Nuhu Dantani Esq, has faulted the National Assembly passage of the Police Act which paved the way for the tenure elongation of Inspector General of Police, IGP Kayode Egbetokun.
The human rights activist insisted the IGP’s tenure extension, the sequel to President Bola Tinubu’s bidding for Egbetokun to remain in office till the end of 2027, may have far-reaching consequences on national security.
In a petition issued on Friday, Barrister Dantani worried about the action of the National Assembly, which he said has disrupted the leadership system in the police force, undermined the constitution, and eroded public trust in governance.
That apart, Dantani lamented the action of the President to extend Egbetokun’s stay in office amounted to a glaring example of nepotism and disenchantment to morale and career progression in officers.

Citing the provisions of the laws guiding the appointment and tenure of the IGP in Nigeria, Barrister Dantani insisted the extension of Egbetokun’s service may temper with national unity.
In particular, the human rights activist referenced sections 7 and 18 (8) of the Police Act. 2020, which stipulated the age of retirement, reminded the Federal lawmakers to contravene the provisions of the act with IGP Egbetokun’s extension.
The controversial amendment of the Police Act by the National Assembly in favour of an individual violates the sanctity of the rule of law, particularly equality before the law, Barrister Dantani submitted.
“No officer shall be allowed to remain in service after attaining the retirement age of 60 years or 35 years of pensionable service whichever is earlier. Mr Egbetokun was born on September 4, 1964, and by arithmetic computation, clocked the mandatory retirement age of 60 in September 2024.
“He is also not covered by the provision of (iii) above, as he is neither a judicial officer nor an academician. The implication of the foregoing is that, by operation of law, IGP Egbetokun, who had reached the mandatory retirement age of 60, should have retired from the Nigerian Police Force and consequently from his position as the IGP by effluxion of time”. Dantani worried.
He lamented how the national assembly reduced the power of the presidency despite the separation of power to amend the police Act for the sake of Egbetokun’s extension in office.
“Specifically, on July 23, 2024, the National Assembly led by Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas hastily passed the Bill to amend the Police Act 2020 in record time.
“Earlier that day, the House of Representatives had approved the Police Act Amendment Bill to allow the Office of the IGP occupant to remain in office until the end of the term stipulated in his or her appointment letter.
“On the same day, the Senate also took the same action following an appeal by the presidency that Kayode Egbetokun, the IGP, be allowed to continue serving his four-year term in office even though he had attained the compulsory retirement age of 60 on September 4, 20204.
“The Executive Bill sought to amend Section 18 of the Police Act 2020 to allow an officer appointed as the IGP to serve beyond the current limit of 35 years in service or the age of 60. The Bill proposed to create a new section 18(8A) to enable the IGP to stay longer than 35 years in service and 60 years of age, whichever comes first”.
The human rights activist posited the decision to extend the IGP’s tenure has effectively blocked the advancement of other senior officers next in line for leadership roles while stagnating junior officers.
He called on the President to prioritize merit and competence over personal affiliations in appointments and promotions in the police force added that Institutions thrive when individuals are selected based on their qualifications and capabilities, not their connections.

Opinion
Kperogi: A captive of raw emotions

Professor Aliyu Barau
In adding my voice to the latest Kperogi’s punch on the Emir of Kano MSII; I opt to go the way of science. Scientists deploy tools such as ‘research questions’ to find answers for what is unknown and use ‘research hypothesis’ on things which little is known about both in theory and practice. Examples of research questions could be: ‘can influential individuals help the government’s economic policies?’; or ‘can an Emir speak openly in a democratic setting? Examples of research hypotheses could be: ‘Kperogi is a confused academic and journalist’; or ‘Kperogi is not a sadist academic.’ After conducting a study scientists find answers to the research questions through multiple opinions, perspectives, and contexts that deepen our understanding. For research hypotheses, we accept or reject whether Kperogi is indeed a sadist or not, a confused academic/journalist or not. If you profess professorship, you must divorce sentiments. Kperogi’s overloaded bag of insults are unguided by science or decent knowledge. For him, English is a language and a rough and raw tool to misinform the uninformed living in the neo-Babel Tower.
According to myths, arrogance and ignorance made humans build the Tower of Babel to outsmart God. Then, God avenged by sowing confusion and strife among them by making them speak different languages. When humans cannot understand each other bitterness flourishes. Thus, language underpins conflicts and is a strong weapon of disseminating misinformation and disinformation. On the other hand, the Ivory Tower is the rendezvous of knowledge, though an idiom – to ‘live in the Ivory Tower’ denotes being inexperienced or disconnected from the world realities. Nigeria is a Babel Tower in its own right and its Ivory Tower is both amazing and disgusting. Kperogi belongs to both towers – one for a curse and the other for a cause.
I am prompted to pick holes in the ways Kperogi takes a swipe on Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano. Of course, I am not raising a firewall to fortify the Emir. It is apparent that Sanusi has been in the crosshairs of Kperogi – who lays siege looking for any possible angle to strike. I am particularly distressed by the hideous and superficial scholarship that Professor Kperogi personifies. In 2022, I felt it was compelling to respond to Kperogi’s nonsense when he shamelessly threatened to renounce his Nigerian citizenship should Tinubu emerge as Nigeria’s President. I don’t think Kperogi is the right person to write about the rift between Tinubu and Sanusi because both of them are clowns in the sight of his pen. I know it is not a repentance, and I hope it is not a means to curry favour with Tinubu’s camp. Writing on Sanusi’s Lagos outburst, I expect Kperogi to be deeply critical and analytical.

Academics and outstanding journalists have emotions, but their professionalism guides them to be careful, disinterested, and cautious. I remember the clash of the African giants – Ali Mazrui and Wole Soyinka in the 1990s. It was a merciless and smoldering battle of pens from whose storm settles dazzling knowledge and mastery of language. The duo fired salvos at each other with supreme argumentation exuding sounds and aromas of philosophy, faith, science, logic and above all critical thinking. Kperogi’s attacks on Sanusi are essentially based on ‘out of context statements’ and very unscholarly. Expectedly, the Tinubu’s government responded through boilerplate statements typical of the Nigeria Government media portfolio. For Kperogi, everything is about Sanusi’s hubris and unguarded orals. To me, there is more to this, the examples of questions and hypothesis that I have raised drive how I respond to Kperogi’s unscholarly take on the ‘text’ instead of the ‘context’.
African leaders like their counterparts everywhere can be understood better by looking at their complete lifecycle. This can be achieved through readings to dissect their histories, thinking, feelings, physique and emotions. PBS’ Frontline documentaries cover leaders such as MbS, Putin and Xi Jinping by tracing their lifecycle and stages. Each film on these personalities traces their childhood moments to background how and why they behave the way they do. Critics of Sanusi should at least use Johari Window theory (from Joseph Luft and Harrington Ingham) to understand him in light of the theory’s four windows. Although this theory is meant for individuals to understand themselves heuristically, we can apply it in understanding why people behave the way they do.
There are many Nigerians – living under democratic atmosphere- who wish to see Sanusi and the like silenced or be as silent as a statue. Such people think traditional rulers are meant to be permanently reticent. Such notion or belief is actually backgrounded in colonial mentality and is aimed at gagging the colonized. The British royals are known for observing what is called ‘stiff upper lip’. I am not disputing royal etiquettes which also weakens progressively with time. However, in recent times, we have seen how Prince Harry, born by the stiff upper lip, butchered it in the most horrendous way. Even the heir-apparent, Prince William is widely reported calling the royal stiff upper lip dangerous to their mental health. Kperogi should learn to let Sanusi speak his mind. On the other hand, it is insulting that traditional rulers are caged as ‘agents’ of every governor or government – the good, the bad, the ugly.
On the matter of his friends, unknown to Kperogi, methinks Sanusi plays very smart and proud in his talks. As an economist, he knows the value of the ‘Stop Rule.’ It is called the hard-and-fast simple rule of avoiding frustration. Gerald M. Loeb (1899-1974) in his classic, The Battle for Investment Survival cautioned that investors must apply a Stop Rule once the values start declining. Maybe, Sanusi applies the Stop Rule to his friends whose behaviors apparently honk at him signaling devaluation of the friendship. Many scientists postulate that only 20% and to the maximum of 50% of our friends are real, others are just numbers.
Relatedly, many people felt Sanusi is a narcissist for saying he withheld his advice to the government. I see it differently, individuals with knowledge and proven track records can help governments to turn around the economy. The controversial US ‘Prime Minister’ Elon Musk as Jeffery Sachs calls him is an example. Today, no one in Nigeria would deny that petroleum pricing including subsidy removal is the most frustrating economic issue for both Government and the citizens. Again, nobody can deny that Ali Dangote is the most important private sector player in the petroleum sector. In Nigeria, nobody can deny that the Government has frustrated Ali Dangote to the highest skies. Nobody can deny that Dangote is inflammably incensed. Dangote’s historic shame-breaker investment in the sector should earn him the best spectacular rewards and not the hell he sees. In the US, Beta, Apple, Amazon, Google, Walmart and many others are seen as the face of America and these giants enjoy apparent and cryptic support from every Government in the US. In China Tiktok, BYD and Alibaba and the rest are seen by the Government as the scions of the Government. Dangote is being orphaned and humiliated. This dehumanizing treatment Dangote is receiving is costly for Nigeria. It will take years and prime efforts to fix it. I learned that some investors from North Africa recoiled on the grounds that if Dangote is mishandled in his fatherland, what would be for them. Now, nobody in Nigeria can deny that Emir Sanusi and Dangote are trusted friends. I assume Sanusi could ‘help’ the government to reconcile with Dangote. The Government needs to be assisted to restore the confidence of local and foreign investors. Dangote testimony is about the only one that investors would believe and not any choreographed statements of the Government.
This is how I choose to deconstruct Kperogi by adding my opinion and perspectives to answer the question I raised in the beginning. It is left to the reader to either accept or reject my hypothesis on who actually Keprogi is. One thing I am sure of is that Kperogi’s pen swims in raw emotions. I repeat that betrays his academic ranking and position which I queried for being not-flying in my earlier treatise on his petty products.
