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Exiled Kano emirs and their privileges

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Emir Sanusi II at Lagos residence

Nasiru Wada Khalil

I was motivated to write this piece in order to correct some notions and set the record straight regarding how a former emir should appear, as well as narrate how the two previously exiled emirs related with people.

It was on Sallah day that a group of people in one of the social media platforms came across Emir Sanusi II holding a gaisuwa session in his residence in Lagos while in royal regalia and a dogari (Turakin Sallama) was by the side anchoring the gaisuwa for him. They all commented thinking that such a session should not ideally be held.

Hence, I decided that there is the need to recollect previous practices of exiled emirs with similar fate as Sanusi II in order to correct the perception of people outside the domain of royalty on the pre-existing cultural practice by the dynasts of Kano.

Therefore, anything outside cultural privilege is not within the purview of this mini article.

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In this regard, two examples will be cited to justify the conduct of Emir Sanusi II.

The first example was the first deposition or dethronement of an Emir after the Danfodio Jihad and establishment of Ibrahim Dabo dynasty in Kano.

This was the case of the British colonialists’ deposition of Emir of Kano Alu (1897 – 1903) immediately after their conquest of the Emirate, which brought an end to his reign.

Emir Alu was first exiled to Yola in present Adamawa State and later to in Lokoja of the present day Kogi State along with other emirs who suffered similar fate.

He resided there until his death in 1926 during the reign of Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero.

The emirs that were exiled alongside Emir of Kano Alu were: Malam Aliyu Dan Sidi (Emir of Zazzau); Malam Abubakar (Emir of Bida); Muhammadu Aliyu (Emir of Gwandu), and Abubakar Abubakar (Emir of Gumel).

These emirs died while in exile in Lokoja and were all buried there.

The second case was that of the abdication of Emir of Kano Sir Sanusi KBE (1953 – 1963).

Sanusi was instrumental to the success of the ruling party, Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

Later his relationship with the NPC Northern Regional Government became strained particularly with the Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), who was his distant cousin.

The Government instituted a Commission of Inquiry, which indicted him and was forced to abdicate in April 1963 and immediately exiled to Azare in present Bauchi State.

These two examples in the history of Ibrahim Dabo Dynasty in Kano influenced the conduct of the former and exiled Emir Sanusi II.

Exclusive privileges of Kano Emirs

It is however important to recall the exclusive privileges of a serving emir that he does not share with anyone and which the exiled emirs never exhibited.

When an emir’s position is vacant, the Shamaki who is the chief slave official will take the custody of the takalmin gashin jimina (ostrich feather shoe), twagayen masu (the twin spears), figini (ostrich feather fan) and wukar yanka da kwari da bakan Dabo (Dabo’s knife, bow and arrow) and hand them over to the head of the king makers, Madaki, for the adornment and usage of the new emir.

This also clearly shows that, these items are the exclusive regalia of a serving emir that he does not share with any dynast.

The two exiled Emirs of Kano (Alu and Sanusi I) dressed in the normal emir’s regalia as when they were emirs but without the exclusive regalia.

A good example was the appearance of Emir Sanusi I while in exile at Azare.

Rukayya B. Makama his granddaughter and biographer in her book titled Sir Muhammadu Sanusi Sarki Na Goma Sha Daya a Daular Fulani provided his pictures in this regards.

First of all, the picture on page 175 shows Emir Sir Sanusi KBE seated not on a normal chair but on Karaga (royal bed) dressed in full regalia.

Karaga is also part of apparatus that a former emir can enjoy for the rest of his life.

Similarly, on page 192 he was seated reading the Holly Qur’an in his full royal dress.

People should now know that wearing turban with the two rabbit like ears and babbar riga (a flowing gown) and Alkyabba (gown) is never categorized by anyone as exclusive preserve for the serving emir.

Maghili explained the wisdom behind the appearance of the emir in the second chapter of The Crown of Religion Concerning the Obligations of Princes – it is all about dignity – and dignity should or must be maintained even after losing the throne.

We have seen the documentary film on Emir Sanusi’s relocation to Wudil from Azare where he led Jumuat prayer in Azare with his white Alkyabba covering his head (rufe kai da kokuwar alkyabba) just like every serving emir going for a congregational prayer in Kano.

This appearance is an exclusive privilege of a former emir.

No royal family member either with title or without can dress in such form but dressing in full royal regalia with kunne biyu and hanging sword (rataya takobi) is applied even to former or retired district heads talk less of former emir.

Dan Iya Ado Sanusi and Danburam Abubakar Bayero are good examples of appearance in full regalia by dynasts after deposition.

In 1926 Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went to Lokoja and paid a visit to his uncle and father in-law, the deposed Emir of Kano Alu. On Alu’s outing to receive his guest – Abdullahi Bayero – he came out not only in full royal regalia (without the exclusive items) but also with courtiers chanting Takawa Sannu a normal practice of Coded Communication guiding the dynast and royal family.

This incidence justified the mini royal court session held in Lagos on the Sallah day for Sallah greeting.

Another example just like Emir Alu, Emir Sanusi KBE also both in Azare and Wudil often came out under the guidance of kiran lafiya (coded communication by the royal slaves), Isa Kwatagwam (a eunuch who died in Azare) and female jakadu (singular: jakadiya) such as Jakadiya Dala, Jakadiya Yarinya, Jakadiya Biya-biya and later Jakadiya Ai, all of them escorted him right from his house chanting kiran lafiya just like the practice for the serving Emir in Gidan Rumfa.

On a similar note, a former emir is entitled to be serenaded with palace musical instrument except Kakaki (long trumpet) and Tambari (A ‘royal’ hemispherical drum).

The case of Kakaki as exclusive preserve for an emir only applies in Kano, but in other emirates Kakaki is not for emir alone.

Once an Emir…

In the end, it is natural that when an Emir is deposed or retired, it is not expected of him to become a gyartai (cobbler) in his day to day conduct, there must be elegance and dignity in his conduct.

He is still an emir in all ramifications only that he has no territorial control.

He is entitled to all the cultural privileges of an emir to the end of his life.

In the traditional system of Kano, emir remained an emir for life irrespective of where he is stationed, this can be understood if we refer to Kano Palace language, in which when referring to Emir of Kano Alu after his exile up to now he is referred to as ‘Sarki Mai Tafiya’ (emir who travelled) meaning an emir who reside outside the emirate.

This is why a former or retired emir when he passes away, will be buried amongst emirs just like what happened to Emir Sanusi I in Kano.

His remains were buried in Nassarawa Palace alongside Emir Abbas, Emir Abdullahi Bayero and Emir Muhammadu Inuwa.

The same scenario in recent history took place in Sokoto.

When Sultan Dasuki died in Kaduna, his funeral prayer like all other sultans who died on the throne was held in Sultan Bello Mosque in Sokoto with the entire sultanate king makers around and he was subsequently buried in the Hubbaren Shehu Dan Hodiyo.

From these practices, it is hereby concluded an Emir of Kano no matter his condition retains some privileges for life.

Therefore the conduct of Emir Sanusi II does not violate any known Kano palace intangible cultural heritage.

Nasiru Wada Khalil researcher on palace cultural heritage can be reached at nasiruwada@gmail.com

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Opinion

Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027

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Comrade Abbas Ibrahim

 

By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.

 

Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.

 

The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.

 

Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.

 

Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.

 

As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.

 

Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.

 

While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.

 

This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.

 

Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.

 

The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.

 

Recommendations for Immediate Action

 

First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.

 

Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.

 

Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.

 

Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.

 

Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.

 

Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.

 

A Test for Kano

 

Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.

 

The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.

 

Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.

 

The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.

 

Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com

 

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Opinion

Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?

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Jamilu Uba Adamu

 

Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?

 

Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.

 

In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.

 

That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.

 

Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*

 

Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.

 

Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.

 

The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?

 

Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com

 

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Opinion

A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow

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Prof. Aliyu Barau

 

Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.

What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.

Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.

Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.

Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.

In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.

At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.

Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.

Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.

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