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Exiled Kano emirs and their privileges

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Emir Sanusi II at Lagos residence

Nasiru Wada Khalil

I was motivated to write this piece in order to correct some notions and set the record straight regarding how a former emir should appear, as well as narrate how the two previously exiled emirs related with people.

It was on Sallah day that a group of people in one of the social media platforms came across Emir Sanusi II holding a gaisuwa session in his residence in Lagos while in royal regalia and a dogari (Turakin Sallama) was by the side anchoring the gaisuwa for him. They all commented thinking that such a session should not ideally be held.

Hence, I decided that there is the need to recollect previous practices of exiled emirs with similar fate as Sanusi II in order to correct the perception of people outside the domain of royalty on the pre-existing cultural practice by the dynasts of Kano.

Therefore, anything outside cultural privilege is not within the purview of this mini article.

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In this regard, two examples will be cited to justify the conduct of Emir Sanusi II.

The first example was the first deposition or dethronement of an Emir after the Danfodio Jihad and establishment of Ibrahim Dabo dynasty in Kano.

This was the case of the British colonialists’ deposition of Emir of Kano Alu (1897 – 1903) immediately after their conquest of the Emirate, which brought an end to his reign.

Emir Alu was first exiled to Yola in present Adamawa State and later to in Lokoja of the present day Kogi State along with other emirs who suffered similar fate.

He resided there until his death in 1926 during the reign of Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero.

The emirs that were exiled alongside Emir of Kano Alu were: Malam Aliyu Dan Sidi (Emir of Zazzau); Malam Abubakar (Emir of Bida); Muhammadu Aliyu (Emir of Gwandu), and Abubakar Abubakar (Emir of Gumel).

These emirs died while in exile in Lokoja and were all buried there.

The second case was that of the abdication of Emir of Kano Sir Sanusi KBE (1953 – 1963).

Sanusi was instrumental to the success of the ruling party, Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

Later his relationship with the NPC Northern Regional Government became strained particularly with the Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), who was his distant cousin.

The Government instituted a Commission of Inquiry, which indicted him and was forced to abdicate in April 1963 and immediately exiled to Azare in present Bauchi State.

These two examples in the history of Ibrahim Dabo Dynasty in Kano influenced the conduct of the former and exiled Emir Sanusi II.

Exclusive privileges of Kano Emirs

It is however important to recall the exclusive privileges of a serving emir that he does not share with anyone and which the exiled emirs never exhibited.

When an emir’s position is vacant, the Shamaki who is the chief slave official will take the custody of the takalmin gashin jimina (ostrich feather shoe), twagayen masu (the twin spears), figini (ostrich feather fan) and wukar yanka da kwari da bakan Dabo (Dabo’s knife, bow and arrow) and hand them over to the head of the king makers, Madaki, for the adornment and usage of the new emir.

This also clearly shows that, these items are the exclusive regalia of a serving emir that he does not share with any dynast.

The two exiled Emirs of Kano (Alu and Sanusi I) dressed in the normal emir’s regalia as when they were emirs but without the exclusive regalia.

A good example was the appearance of Emir Sanusi I while in exile at Azare.

Rukayya B. Makama his granddaughter and biographer in her book titled Sir Muhammadu Sanusi Sarki Na Goma Sha Daya a Daular Fulani provided his pictures in this regards.

First of all, the picture on page 175 shows Emir Sir Sanusi KBE seated not on a normal chair but on Karaga (royal bed) dressed in full regalia.

Karaga is also part of apparatus that a former emir can enjoy for the rest of his life.

Similarly, on page 192 he was seated reading the Holly Qur’an in his full royal dress.

People should now know that wearing turban with the two rabbit like ears and babbar riga (a flowing gown) and Alkyabba (gown) is never categorized by anyone as exclusive preserve for the serving emir.

Maghili explained the wisdom behind the appearance of the emir in the second chapter of The Crown of Religion Concerning the Obligations of Princes – it is all about dignity – and dignity should or must be maintained even after losing the throne.

We have seen the documentary film on Emir Sanusi’s relocation to Wudil from Azare where he led Jumuat prayer in Azare with his white Alkyabba covering his head (rufe kai da kokuwar alkyabba) just like every serving emir going for a congregational prayer in Kano.

This appearance is an exclusive privilege of a former emir.

No royal family member either with title or without can dress in such form but dressing in full royal regalia with kunne biyu and hanging sword (rataya takobi) is applied even to former or retired district heads talk less of former emir.

Dan Iya Ado Sanusi and Danburam Abubakar Bayero are good examples of appearance in full regalia by dynasts after deposition.

In 1926 Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went to Lokoja and paid a visit to his uncle and father in-law, the deposed Emir of Kano Alu. On Alu’s outing to receive his guest – Abdullahi Bayero – he came out not only in full royal regalia (without the exclusive items) but also with courtiers chanting Takawa Sannu a normal practice of Coded Communication guiding the dynast and royal family.

This incidence justified the mini royal court session held in Lagos on the Sallah day for Sallah greeting.

Another example just like Emir Alu, Emir Sanusi KBE also both in Azare and Wudil often came out under the guidance of kiran lafiya (coded communication by the royal slaves), Isa Kwatagwam (a eunuch who died in Azare) and female jakadu (singular: jakadiya) such as Jakadiya Dala, Jakadiya Yarinya, Jakadiya Biya-biya and later Jakadiya Ai, all of them escorted him right from his house chanting kiran lafiya just like the practice for the serving Emir in Gidan Rumfa.

On a similar note, a former emir is entitled to be serenaded with palace musical instrument except Kakaki (long trumpet) and Tambari (A ‘royal’ hemispherical drum).

The case of Kakaki as exclusive preserve for an emir only applies in Kano, but in other emirates Kakaki is not for emir alone.

Once an Emir…

In the end, it is natural that when an Emir is deposed or retired, it is not expected of him to become a gyartai (cobbler) in his day to day conduct, there must be elegance and dignity in his conduct.

He is still an emir in all ramifications only that he has no territorial control.

He is entitled to all the cultural privileges of an emir to the end of his life.

In the traditional system of Kano, emir remained an emir for life irrespective of where he is stationed, this can be understood if we refer to Kano Palace language, in which when referring to Emir of Kano Alu after his exile up to now he is referred to as ‘Sarki Mai Tafiya’ (emir who travelled) meaning an emir who reside outside the emirate.

This is why a former or retired emir when he passes away, will be buried amongst emirs just like what happened to Emir Sanusi I in Kano.

His remains were buried in Nassarawa Palace alongside Emir Abbas, Emir Abdullahi Bayero and Emir Muhammadu Inuwa.

The same scenario in recent history took place in Sokoto.

When Sultan Dasuki died in Kaduna, his funeral prayer like all other sultans who died on the throne was held in Sultan Bello Mosque in Sokoto with the entire sultanate king makers around and he was subsequently buried in the Hubbaren Shehu Dan Hodiyo.

From these practices, it is hereby concluded an Emir of Kano no matter his condition retains some privileges for life.

Therefore the conduct of Emir Sanusi II does not violate any known Kano palace intangible cultural heritage.

Nasiru Wada Khalil researcher on palace cultural heritage can be reached at nasiruwada@gmail.com

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Opinion

Election-Era Extravagance: Why Nigeria Must Reject the Latest Debt Plan

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Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru

 

Adding a staggering $20.52 billion and €1.05 billion to Nigeria’s debt burden is more than an economic miscalculation; it is a source of heartbreak for a nation already brought to its knees. At a time when millions of citizens are struggling to afford a single meal, grappling with historic inflation and watching their futures slip away, the government’s response appears to be to pile yet another mountain of debt on the country. This raises a painful question for every suffering Nigerian: When will our leaders finally acknowledge the pain their decisions inflict, and when will the bleeding stop?

 

The timing of this massive loan request is particularly troubling. Seeking to secure huge foreign loans on the eve of intense political activity and election seasons, when public anxiety is high and attention is divided, risks depriving citizens of the robust accountability the country deserves. Rather than looking inward, exercising fiscal discipline and improving public revenue management, the government appears to be rushing to mortgage the nation’s collective future. It feels less like responsible governance and more like a desperate attempt to lock in liabilities before the public can challenge them.

 

Nigeria’s national debt profile is already a ticking time bomb, placing enormous pressure on every sector of society. Every additional dollar borrowed increases the country’s financial obligations and diverts revenue that could otherwise support schools, equip hospitals and protect vulnerable citizens. Adding more than $20 billion to this burden risks pushing the country closer to the brink of a debt crisis, threatening to leave future generations trapped in a cycle of economic dependence. How much more hardship can ordinary Nigerians endure before the consequences of unsustainable borrowing become overwhelming?

 

We are repeatedly offered the same promises that these loans will transform electricity, roads, healthcare and education. But good intentions without transparency and accountability are not enough. Where is the visible evidence that previous loans have translated into better living conditions for ordinary Nigerians? Instead of seeing the promised improvements, many citizens continue to grapple with rising poverty while the country’s debt burden grows. When projects fail to generate sufficient economic returns to justify their costs, the burden ultimately falls on ordinary citizens through higher taxes, deteriorating public services and deeper economic hardship.

 

Before anyone commits future generations to repaying billions of dollars in new loans, the government must look Nigerians in the eye and explain how existing public resources are being managed. Why does borrowing appear to be the easiest option while systemic corruption and inefficiencies in public spending remain major concerns? Nigerians are exhausted by a system that leaves them bearing the consequences of decisions over which they have little control.

 

The country does not need another mountain of debt built on promises alone. It needs leaders committed to transparency, fiscal discipline, prudent resource management and the welfare of the people they have sworn to serve. Any new borrowing must be justified by clear development objectives, independently verifiable benefits and a credible repayment plan.

 

Nigeria cannot borrow its way out of every economic challenge. The government must demonstrate that it has exhausted reasonable alternatives, established safeguards against waste and corruption, and put the public interest above political convenience. Without these assurances, further borrowing risks deepening the hardship Nigerians already face and transferring an even heavier burden to generations yet unborn.

Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru, is former staff of Central Bank of Nigeria. 

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Sheikh Masussuka’s killing: why sectarian blame must not replace justice

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Imam Murtadha Gusau

 

The killing of Katsina-based Islamic preacher Sheikh Yahaya Ibrahim Masussuka should serve as a warning against the dangers of religious extremism, sectarian hostility and the reckless attribution of blame before investigations are concluded.

 

Sheikh Masussuka was reportedly shot dead alongside his associate, Adamu Abubakar, by gunmen in Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State, on Monday, October 26, 2026. His death has generated tension, with allegations circulating on social media and among religious circles that members of Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah, particularly the Salafiyyah and Izalah movements, were responsible.

 

Those allegations have been complicated by an audio statement in which the terrorist group Ansaru reportedly claimed responsibility for the killings. The group was also reported to have cited Masussuka’s religious views, advocacy for interfaith dialogue and condemnation of violent extremism among its grievances against him.

 

These claims must be properly investigated and independently established. However, they underscore an important point: religious disagreements, however intense, must never become a licence for violence, and suspicion must never be mistaken for proof.

 

The danger of collective blame

Masussuka was a controversial religious figure whose Qur’an-centred teachings, including his rejection of the authority of Prophetic Hadith, brought him into theological disagreements with mainstream Islamic scholars.

 

In November 2025, he reportedly petitioned the Katsina State Government over alleged insults and threats from members of the Izalah movement. Such a history of disagreement may explain why some people quickly suspected his religious opponents after his killing. It does not, however, establish their responsibility for the crime.

 

In a society where religious identity can easily become a source of division, the temptation to blame an entire movement for the actions of individuals is dangerous. It can inflame tensions, provoke retaliation and endanger innocent people.

 

No religious group should be held collectively responsible for a crime without credible evidence. Equally, no individual or organisation should be shielded from investigation merely because of its religious affiliation or public standing.

 

The appropriate response to the killing is a thorough, impartial investigation that identifies the perpetrators, establishes their motives and brings those found culpable to justice.

 

The Katsina State Police Command and other relevant authorities must be allowed to carry out their responsibilities without pressure from partisan interests or religious factions. Members of the public, meanwhile, should resist the temptation to spread unverified allegations or mobilise others against people they suspect.

 

Justice cannot be secured through rumours, online accusations or reprisals. It requires evidence, due process and the courage to accept the outcome of a credible investigation.

 

Islam’s position on the sanctity of life

As a Muslim, I consider the protection of innocent life a fundamental obligation. The deliberate killing of an innocent person is a grave offence, and no interpretation of religion should be used to justify murder, intimidation or acts of terror.

 

Allah says in the Qur’an:

 

“Whoever kills a soul unless for a soul or for corruption done in the land—it is as if he had slain mankind entirely. And whoever saves one—it is as if he had saved mankind entirely.” (Qur’an 5:32)

 

This teaching places an enormous moral responsibility on every believer. Human life cannot be treated as disposable simply because someone holds a different opinion, belongs to another religious group or challenges a particular interpretation of scripture.

 

The Qur’an also instructs Muslims to invite people to the way of their Lord with wisdom and good counsel, and to engage them in the best possible manner (Qur’an 16:125).

 

This principle is particularly important when religious differences become contentious. Disagreement should be addressed through scholarship, dialogue and reasoned argument—not threats, intimidation or violence.

 

Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah, like other Muslim communities, should be judged by the conduct of its adherents and the teachings they uphold, rather than by allegations that have not been established. Those who identify with the Sunnah must demonstrate through their conduct that their commitment to the faith is inseparable from justice, mercy and respect for human life.

 

At the same time, the rejection of terrorism must be universal. Violence does not become acceptable because its perpetrators claim to defend a religious cause, and no group can acquire immunity from scrutiny by invoking Islam.

 

Knowledge must defeat extremism

One of the most effective ways of confronting religious extremism is to promote sound Islamic scholarship and responsible religious leadership.

 

The history of Islam offers examples of scholars who confronted dangerous interpretations through knowledge and dialogue. Abdullah ibn Abbas, a Companion of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), is widely remembered in Islamic tradition for engaging the Khawarij, an early extremist group, in theological argument and challenging their interpretations of religious texts.

 

The lesson is that mistaken beliefs should be confronted with evidence, patience and sound scholarship. Violence against people suspected of holding erroneous views only deepens division and makes peaceful engagement more difficult.

 

Religious leaders therefore have a special responsibility to ensure that their sermons, teachings and public statements do not encourage hatred or legitimise harm against others. They must distinguish between correcting an idea and attacking the dignity or safety of the person who holds it.

 

This responsibility extends to social media, where provocative messages and unverified allegations can spread rapidly. Religious disputes that might otherwise remain confined to scholarly discussions can become public confrontations when users circulate inflammatory claims without checking their accuracy.

 

Muslims should refuse to participate in online campaigns that dehumanise opponents, encourage collective punishment or portray entire communities as enemies. The pursuit of truth requires intellectual honesty, while the defence of religion requires good character.

 

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) is reported to have said that a Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand other people are safe. This teaching offers a practical standard by which believers should assess their conduct.

 

If our words expose innocent people to threats, or our actions endanger their lives, we must examine whether we are truly reflecting the values we profess.

 

Mercy is not weakness

The distinction between religious conviction and religious intolerance must be clearly understood. A person can hold firmly to a theological position without insulting, threatening or persecuting those who disagree.

 

Indeed, mercy does not require Muslims to abandon their beliefs. It requires them to uphold those beliefs without violating the rights of others.

 

The Prophet’s conduct provides a model of restraint and compassion. In a well-known account in Sahih al-Bukhari, a Bedouin urinated in the Prophet’s Mosque, prompting some Companions to react angrily. The Prophet instructed them to leave the man alone and have the affected area cleaned, explaining that people had been sent to make matters easier, not harder.

 

The lesson is not that wrongdoing should be ignored. Rather, correction should be proportionate, informed and directed towards addressing the problem instead of humiliating or destroying the person responsible.

 

This approach is relevant to contemporary religious disagreements. A person who expresses a controversial interpretation of Islam should be answered with knowledge and appropriate dialogue. Where conduct violates the law, the authorities should respond through lawful procedures. Neither theological disagreement nor public anger justifies private punishment.

 

Similarly, allegations of blasphemy, disbelief or deviation must not be treated as permission for individuals to take the law into their own hands. Accusations of this nature can have devastating consequences and must never become instruments for settling personal scores or advancing sectarian interests.

 

A responsibility shared by leaders and citizens

The killing of Sheikh Masussuka demands more than condemnation. It calls for a collective commitment to prevent further violence.

 

The police must investigate the killings professionally and pursue those responsible. Religious leaders must calm their followers and reject attempts to exploit the tragedy. Political and community leaders must discourage inflammatory rhetoric, while media organisations and social media users must verify information before publishing or sharing it.

 

The government should also pay attention to the conditions that allow extremist groups to recruit, intimidate communities and spread violent ideologies. Effective security measures must be accompanied by credible religious education, community engagement and opportunities for young people to seek guidance from knowledgeable and responsible scholars.

 

Above all, the authorities must ensure that the pursuit of justice does not become a pretext for harassment or reprisals against innocent people.

 

The killing of one person must not lead to the persecution of another. Nor should the grief of a victim’s family be exploited to deepen divisions within the Muslim community.

 

Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah adherents have a responsibility to reject violence committed in the name of Islam and to demonstrate that their commitment to the Sunnah is reflected in patience, compassion and respect for justice. Other religious communities and ideological groups have the same obligation to reject violence and hold their members accountable for wrongdoing.

 

The protection of innocent life is not the exclusive responsibility of one sect. It is a shared moral and civic duty.

 

Justice, not vengeance

The circumstances surrounding Sheikh Masussuka’s death must be established through a credible investigation. If Ansaru’s reported claim of responsibility is substantiated, the group’s involvement must be confronted through lawful security and judicial measures. If evidence implicates any other individuals, they too must answer for their actions.

 

Until then, Nigerians must resist the urge to turn suspicion into certainty or religious disagreement into collective condemnation.

 

The true test of religious commitment is not the intensity with which one denounces opponents, but the willingness to uphold truth and justice even when emotions run high. Faith should encourage self-restraint, protect human dignity and inspire people to seek peaceful solutions to their differences.

 

Nigeria has already paid a heavy price for violence driven by extremism and communal suspicion. The country cannot afford to allow another killing to become a trigger for fresh hostility.

 

Let the death of Sheikh Yahaya Ibrahim Masussuka strengthen, rather than weaken, our resolve to protect innocent lives, promote responsible religious dialogue and ensure that every allegation is tested against evidence.

 

Islam must not be used as a cover for terrorism, and religious disagreement must never become an excuse for murder. The path forward is clear: reject extremism, condemn false accusations, protect the innocent and allow justice to take its course.

 

Imam Murtadha Muhammad Gusau is the Chief Imam of Nagazi-Uvete Jumu’ah Mosque and the late Alhaji Abdur-Rahman Okene’s Mosque, Okene, Kogi State, Nigeria.

 

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Opinion

Malam Ibrahim Mu’azzam: A Teacher of Teachers and a Lifelong Inspiration

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Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK)

 

Malam Ibrahim Mu’azzam is arguably the most influential person and university teacher in my academic and intellectual development. Although I studied Sociology rather than Political Science, I audited his courses and attended his lectures throughout my early and later undergraduate years.

 

One of the qualities that distinguished him then, and which he has retained to this day, is his charismatic personality and the natural attraction he exerts on students through his wide-ranging knowledge, teaching expertise and remarkable ability to inspire intellectual curiosity. Students passionate about ideas and critical thinking were always drawn to his approach to introducing complex concepts to an often bewildered classroom.

 

Malam Mu’azzam, as we fondly call him, was a magnet for ideas and a model of critical intellectual engagement. In those days, he probably had one of the largest personal libraries or private studies. Scores of undergraduate and postgraduate students trooped to his home, which he moved to after leaving the university quarters.

 

We marvelled at his extraordinary collection of books spanning numerous disciplines, far beyond his formal academic specialisation and teaching responsibilities. His study contained, and continues to contain, books on a wide range of subjects, including the philosophy of science, theology, education, English, linguistics and, of course, classic and highly acclaimed works in the social sciences, Political Science and Geography.

 

I still remember an incident in 1988 when Malam and I travelled to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, for an Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) delegates’ conference. I accompanied him to the university bookshop and watched him purchase books across a variety of academic disciplines. That experience inspired me to follow his example by building a collection of books from different fields—a habit I have sustained to this day.

 

Despite his formal retirement after a long career at Bayero University, Kano (BUK), Malam remains intellectually active. He continues to work with us at the Ibrahim Mu’azzam Institute of Philosophy, organised by the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD).

 

His continued engagement is a remarkable testament to his enduring contributions to teaching, critical scholarship and the advancement of knowledge within and beyond the academic community. Malam Mu’azzam’s influence extends far beyond the classroom, inspiring generations of students and scholars to embrace intellectual curiosity, independent thought and lifelong learning.

Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK), teaches at Bayero University, Kano. 

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