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Exiled Kano emirs and their privileges

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Emir Sanusi II at Lagos residence

Nasiru Wada Khalil

I was motivated to write this piece in order to correct some notions and set the record straight regarding how a former emir should appear, as well as narrate how the two previously exiled emirs related with people.

It was on Sallah day that a group of people in one of the social media platforms came across Emir Sanusi II holding a gaisuwa session in his residence in Lagos while in royal regalia and a dogari (Turakin Sallama) was by the side anchoring the gaisuwa for him. They all commented thinking that such a session should not ideally be held.

Hence, I decided that there is the need to recollect previous practices of exiled emirs with similar fate as Sanusi II in order to correct the perception of people outside the domain of royalty on the pre-existing cultural practice by the dynasts of Kano.

Therefore, anything outside cultural privilege is not within the purview of this mini article.

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In this regard, two examples will be cited to justify the conduct of Emir Sanusi II.

The first example was the first deposition or dethronement of an Emir after the Danfodio Jihad and establishment of Ibrahim Dabo dynasty in Kano.

This was the case of the British colonialists’ deposition of Emir of Kano Alu (1897 – 1903) immediately after their conquest of the Emirate, which brought an end to his reign.

Emir Alu was first exiled to Yola in present Adamawa State and later to in Lokoja of the present day Kogi State along with other emirs who suffered similar fate.

He resided there until his death in 1926 during the reign of Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero.

The emirs that were exiled alongside Emir of Kano Alu were: Malam Aliyu Dan Sidi (Emir of Zazzau); Malam Abubakar (Emir of Bida); Muhammadu Aliyu (Emir of Gwandu), and Abubakar Abubakar (Emir of Gumel).

These emirs died while in exile in Lokoja and were all buried there.

The second case was that of the abdication of Emir of Kano Sir Sanusi KBE (1953 – 1963).

Sanusi was instrumental to the success of the ruling party, Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

Later his relationship with the NPC Northern Regional Government became strained particularly with the Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), who was his distant cousin.

The Government instituted a Commission of Inquiry, which indicted him and was forced to abdicate in April 1963 and immediately exiled to Azare in present Bauchi State.

These two examples in the history of Ibrahim Dabo Dynasty in Kano influenced the conduct of the former and exiled Emir Sanusi II.

Exclusive privileges of Kano Emirs

It is however important to recall the exclusive privileges of a serving emir that he does not share with anyone and which the exiled emirs never exhibited.

When an emir’s position is vacant, the Shamaki who is the chief slave official will take the custody of the takalmin gashin jimina (ostrich feather shoe), twagayen masu (the twin spears), figini (ostrich feather fan) and wukar yanka da kwari da bakan Dabo (Dabo’s knife, bow and arrow) and hand them over to the head of the king makers, Madaki, for the adornment and usage of the new emir.

This also clearly shows that, these items are the exclusive regalia of a serving emir that he does not share with any dynast.

The two exiled Emirs of Kano (Alu and Sanusi I) dressed in the normal emir’s regalia as when they were emirs but without the exclusive regalia.

A good example was the appearance of Emir Sanusi I while in exile at Azare.

Rukayya B. Makama his granddaughter and biographer in her book titled Sir Muhammadu Sanusi Sarki Na Goma Sha Daya a Daular Fulani provided his pictures in this regards.

First of all, the picture on page 175 shows Emir Sir Sanusi KBE seated not on a normal chair but on Karaga (royal bed) dressed in full regalia.

Karaga is also part of apparatus that a former emir can enjoy for the rest of his life.

Similarly, on page 192 he was seated reading the Holly Qur’an in his full royal dress.

People should now know that wearing turban with the two rabbit like ears and babbar riga (a flowing gown) and Alkyabba (gown) is never categorized by anyone as exclusive preserve for the serving emir.

Maghili explained the wisdom behind the appearance of the emir in the second chapter of The Crown of Religion Concerning the Obligations of Princes – it is all about dignity – and dignity should or must be maintained even after losing the throne.

We have seen the documentary film on Emir Sanusi’s relocation to Wudil from Azare where he led Jumuat prayer in Azare with his white Alkyabba covering his head (rufe kai da kokuwar alkyabba) just like every serving emir going for a congregational prayer in Kano.

This appearance is an exclusive privilege of a former emir.

No royal family member either with title or without can dress in such form but dressing in full royal regalia with kunne biyu and hanging sword (rataya takobi) is applied even to former or retired district heads talk less of former emir.

Dan Iya Ado Sanusi and Danburam Abubakar Bayero are good examples of appearance in full regalia by dynasts after deposition.

In 1926 Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went to Lokoja and paid a visit to his uncle and father in-law, the deposed Emir of Kano Alu. On Alu’s outing to receive his guest – Abdullahi Bayero – he came out not only in full royal regalia (without the exclusive items) but also with courtiers chanting Takawa Sannu a normal practice of Coded Communication guiding the dynast and royal family.

This incidence justified the mini royal court session held in Lagos on the Sallah day for Sallah greeting.

Another example just like Emir Alu, Emir Sanusi KBE also both in Azare and Wudil often came out under the guidance of kiran lafiya (coded communication by the royal slaves), Isa Kwatagwam (a eunuch who died in Azare) and female jakadu (singular: jakadiya) such as Jakadiya Dala, Jakadiya Yarinya, Jakadiya Biya-biya and later Jakadiya Ai, all of them escorted him right from his house chanting kiran lafiya just like the practice for the serving Emir in Gidan Rumfa.

On a similar note, a former emir is entitled to be serenaded with palace musical instrument except Kakaki (long trumpet) and Tambari (A ‘royal’ hemispherical drum).

The case of Kakaki as exclusive preserve for an emir only applies in Kano, but in other emirates Kakaki is not for emir alone.

Once an Emir…

In the end, it is natural that when an Emir is deposed or retired, it is not expected of him to become a gyartai (cobbler) in his day to day conduct, there must be elegance and dignity in his conduct.

He is still an emir in all ramifications only that he has no territorial control.

He is entitled to all the cultural privileges of an emir to the end of his life.

In the traditional system of Kano, emir remained an emir for life irrespective of where he is stationed, this can be understood if we refer to Kano Palace language, in which when referring to Emir of Kano Alu after his exile up to now he is referred to as ‘Sarki Mai Tafiya’ (emir who travelled) meaning an emir who reside outside the emirate.

This is why a former or retired emir when he passes away, will be buried amongst emirs just like what happened to Emir Sanusi I in Kano.

His remains were buried in Nassarawa Palace alongside Emir Abbas, Emir Abdullahi Bayero and Emir Muhammadu Inuwa.

The same scenario in recent history took place in Sokoto.

When Sultan Dasuki died in Kaduna, his funeral prayer like all other sultans who died on the throne was held in Sultan Bello Mosque in Sokoto with the entire sultanate king makers around and he was subsequently buried in the Hubbaren Shehu Dan Hodiyo.

From these practices, it is hereby concluded an Emir of Kano no matter his condition retains some privileges for life.

Therefore the conduct of Emir Sanusi II does not violate any known Kano palace intangible cultural heritage.

Nasiru Wada Khalil researcher on palace cultural heritage can be reached at nasiruwada@gmail.com

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Kano State Politics Set for a Major Shift as Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s Influence Wanes: What’s Next for the Power Dynamics in 2027?

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By Suleiman Abdullahi Gashuwa

Suleimanasuleiman476@gmail.com

As Kano populace describe their politics in Hausa language “Siyasar Kano, Sai Kano” has proven of what we are seeing today in the political landscape of the state is a replica of what might happen in the 2027 come general election.

it’s no more news that Kano State, a key political centre in Nigeria, has been significantly influenced by two to three persons i.e. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, and former governor and now APC national Chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Their longstanding dominance is now facing challenges, suggesting a potential shift in the political landscape by 2027.

Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s adversary as its stands has left Kano states political atmosphere in a tensed and uncertainty of the state future, which many are of the opinion it’s time to either they address their grievances or what is happening in the state will lead to the emergence of fresh Dark Horses to change the narratives.

Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s strained relationship has led to factionalism, and is now weakening their influence and opening doors for new political figures, and led to the agitation for the emergence of new younger and fresher politicians through social media and grassroots efforts, challenging the Kwankwaso, Shekarau and Ganduje’s dominance that lead Kano to the state it founds itself in at present, with fresh ideas.

Economic challenges and corruption have led to voter fatigue, increasing demands for accountability and effective governance.

The recent Dan Bello’s revelations of various degree of corruption involving the former Kano state local government commissioner Murtala Sule Garo and Ganduje’s wife Hafsat Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Kwankwaso’s Nephew Garba Kwankwaso has nature and increase the need for change of the narratives in Kano politics.

Thuggery and increase in number youth going into drug abuse, has left many calling for the emergence of fresh and dark horses who will reform Kano, and revive morality and curb the menace thuggery has caused for decades in the state.

As the 2027 elections approach, the political dynamics in Kano are expected to evolve, especially the crisis likely to be faced by the top three political parties in the state.

Despite been the main opposition party in Kano,, the APC has its internal crisis, which will later expose itself, and might consume the party, and make it lose its influence in upcoming elections.

Having strong Figures growing their Ambitions as governors come 2027, the race is expected to be tough, with Ganduje likely to be at the centre wanting to influence the parties flag bearer, which posed a great treat to the party.

Kano North Powerful Horses:

Kano north might likely be the nerve centre of crisis for the APC in Kano state with powerful politicians likely to contest for the 2027 gubernatorial election.

As various powerful figures within the party assert their ambitions, Ganduje’s ability to maintain control may diminish. The conflicts and rivalries can erode his support base, as loyalty might shift towards emerging leaders who promise change or new opportunities.

The internal crisis within the APC could significantly weaken Abdullahi Ganduje’s longstanding influence in Kano politics because of the tactics implored by Barau Jibrin, Murtal Sule Garo, Abdulahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo.

For instance Barau Jibrin (Maliya), who is Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, has been fostering his political ambitions since 2023. Till then his influence and aspirations may lead to friction within the party, especially if his goals conflict with those of other prominent figures.

The growing power and ambitions of figures like Barau Jibrin may overshadow Ganduje’s influence, leading to a decline in his ability to dictate party dynamics and candidate selection.

Barau Jibrin’s role at the national level provides him with broader political connections and influence, which can be leveraged to gain support within the party, especially with Ganduje out as the APC National Chairman. Though the duos are currently on the same page and interest but only time will tell.

Barau’s potential to appeal to younger and disillusioned voters through fresh perspectives and policies aligns with the current demand for change in Kano. Age has been on his side, and carrying youth along he has a chance of Becoming the dark horse.

But has a great challenge of his long term rival Murtala Sule Garo from the same Kabo Local government, the fight will be very tough for Barau. Because Murtala has been among the three persons funding the APC at state level. He has also empowered many individuals from different category which made him a deciding factor in the coming race.

There are high tendencies that if Barau emerges the gubernatorial candidate for APC, Garo may be forced to leave the APC, because no matter what, with Barau as Governor, no senator will come out from same local government from Kano north, and that leaves him with no various options.

If Murtala Garo’s candidacy, could either split the vote or force strategic alliances, even though speculations has it that he might potentially defecting to the PDP due to his familial ties with Atiku Abubakar, a issues which stirred interest in Kano’s political scene.

If these rumours were to materialize, Garo’s move could have significant implications for both the NNPP and the APC, and more impact to Barau Jibrin.

For the PDP, Garo’s defection could serve as a much-needed boost, potentially reinvigorating the party’s presence in Kano. His influence and connections could attract disillusioned voters from the APC and even some from the NNPP, enhancing the PDP’s status as a credible opposition.

His relationship with Atiku could also facilitate strategic alliances and resource mobilization, making the PDP and Atiku Abubakar’s presidential ambition bid a more formidable force in the upcoming elections.

Conversely, Garo’s departure from the APC would represent a considerable loss for the party. As a significant player within the APC, his exit could weaken the party’s structure in Kano, especially if he takes loyal supporters with him.

This could create a power vacuum that rivals, particularly the NNPP, would be keen to exploit. The APC would need to reassess its strategies to maintain its influence in the region and prevent further erosion of its base.

Another top possible contender is the state minister for Housing Dr Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo (Ruwa Baba), who Barau floors during the APC primary that returned him back to the assembly in 2015.

T Gwarzo has been a gubernatorial candidate under CAN which was where he gained his close relationship with the then presidential candidate and Nigeria’s current president Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

With him at the centre and the desperation of Barau Jibrin to maintain his control over the votes in Gwarzo local government, and Kano North he still needs to strategize and look at options to work ahead of them.

Apparently, Dr. Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna having contested for the governorship previously, Gawuna is likely to re-contest. His candidacy could clash with a lot of interests from various quarters because of how he enjoins the overwhelming support if Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in the previous election, thought unconfirmed reports says that he might be forced to contest for the Kano senatorial senator, for fears that he might not be accepted by Kano populace, and until now he hasn’t gotten a federal appointment, which many sees it as a means of manoeuvring him out of the race tactically.

Coming in is Hon Baffa Babba DanAgundi who now occupies the position of the director General of the national centre for Productivity and he hails from Kano Central, he is positioning himself as a potential running mate for any gubernatorial candidate.

His strategic positioning could create alliances or rivalries, depending on the dynamics and support he garners. But he might face serious opposition from many party angles because of stepping on many toes that will rather not having him as a deputy

Each option presents both opportunities and challenges for the respective parties, underscoring the fluidity and unpredictability of the region’s political dynamics.

The NNPP , Kwankwaso, Corruption and other rumbles:

Coming in to the internal crisis brewing within the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) which multifaceted and poses significant challenges to its dominance in Kano.

Kwankwaso control factor remains a critical point, his influence shapes party dynamics. His leadership is now under scrutiny due to corruption scandals involving himself at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EFCC, his close relatives and some key officials in Abba Kabir Yusuf’s government, which could undermine public trust and party integrity, from Kano populace.

Furthermore, the NNPP is currently facing a potential defection of prominent figures like Kawu Sumaila and Al-Hassan Rurum because of their different views on the new Kano Emirate law, and accusation of been sidelined on things related to Kano and decisions taking within the party at state levels, which of allowed to leave could weaken the party’s structure and support base.

Their discontent reflects broader dissatisfaction within the party, exacerbated by perceived sidelining of influential members such as Ali Madakin Gini who is the minority leader of the House of Representatives. This marginalization could alienate important factions and erode loyalty among supporters and even him decamping back to the APC especially with his relationship with Barau Jibrin as In-laws.

With only a year remaining to solidify its position and execute various projects to showcase for a re-election by the state governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the NNPP faces an uphill battle. The combination of internal strife, corruption allegations, and key defections could hinder its effectiveness and electoral prospects in Kano. If not addressed, these issues may lead to a significant decline in the party’s influence, complicating efforts to maintain a stronghold in the region as political dynamics evolve.

Equally one thing that has starts to manifest if the possibility of bigger crisis within the NNPP after the local governments elections. There have been speculations that many chairmanship aspirants where not endorsed by Kwankwaso, and that Kwankwaso anointed persons loyal to him which many sees that it might jeopardised the parties future.

The Tootles Bull dog fighting for survival:
The crisis within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has further weakened its influence in Kano politics, allowing other parties like the APC to gain ground. Key figures such as Aminu Wali, Ibrahim Shekarau, Yunusa Dangwani, and Ibrahim Littles are engaged in a power struggle that has fragmented the party and diluted its effectiveness as the primary opposition.

Despite having notable leaders, the PDP’s inability to present a cohesive front has led to a perception of disarray. The ongoing rivalry among these influential figures not only hampers strategic decision-making but also alienates potential supporters. Each leader’s quest for dominance often overshadows collective goals, making it difficult for the PDP to mobilize effectively.

The internal crises faced by the PDP, APC, and NNPP could indeed pave the way for a political revolution in Kano, potentially leading to significant changes in the political landscape. As dissatisfaction grows within these established parties, disillusioned voters may seek alternatives that better address their needs and aspirations.

Despite these analysis only time can tell, what will happen in Kano state politics, with all presidential contenders eyeing to control the state due to the densely concentrated votes there .

As its slogan by its town criers “Kano ta Dabo, Jalla Babbar Hausa, ko da me ka zo am Fika”.

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Opinion

Why Presidency need not search farther for a new Spokesman!

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Mahmud Zukogi

With the resignation of Ajuri Obari Ngelale, SA Media and Publicity to the President, the presidency need not agonize in searching for a replacement that is equally competent, versatile and experienced.

Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, an award winning Investigative Journalist, shares the double advantage of being a presidency insider familiar with the media function and protocols, having served in the last one year as SSA (Print Media) to the President. Prior to this, he, together with his boss from Daily Trust, Mahmud Jega, were appointed to strengthen the media team of the Presidential Campaign Council.

If the Presidency is conscious of the politics of representation, and seeks to balance in-house positions around the President, Abdulaziz is the best bet to immediately replace Ajuri Ngelale…and this is not some compensation. Abdulaziz fits the bill, fairly and squarely. Before joining the ace print media company, Media Trust, as Deputy Editor and Deputy General Editor, Abdulaziz was already a celebrated journalist with sterling awards to boot.

He won twice the Wole Soyinka Prize for Investigative Journalism and the AIM award for the best investigative documentary on, “Nigeria’s Banditry: The Inside Story.” What’s more, the young Abdulaziz worked through the ladder serving as a reporter/correspondent and Bureau Chief for Leadership newspapers, Blueprint and then ace investigative media outfit, Premium Times. Abdulaziz is fully equipped for this job, with some professional trainings in his kitty, added to a prestigious Bachelor and Master of Arts in English from Bayero University, Kano.

The commitment and passion with which Abdulaziz brings to bear in his job of representing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and publicising the policies and programmes of the government, especially in the north, is commendable. His vast regular and social media network is rich and could count further in bringing the presidency, what it represents and is doing closer to the vast majority of Nigerians.

And by way of interesting comparison, Abdulaziz shares the same height with Ajuri Ngelale. Both of them are 6.4 feets tall. Any possible replacement for Ngelale must equally stand tall and not shorter. It must be someone who is easily visible to the camera and to the audience.

Behold the new Presidential Spokesman!

Mahmud Zukogi

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Abdulaziz Abdulaziz: The Right Man for the Job

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.An Open Letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu……

By Nasiru Salisu Zango

Dear Mr. President,

In light of the recent voluntary resignation of the presidential spokesperson, there is a significant need to fill the vacant position with a capable and competent individual.

In my humble opinion, there is no better choice than Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, your current Special Assistant on Media, a man of exceptional intellect, experience, and dedication.

Appointing Abdulaziz to this critical role would be the most astute decision for your administration.

His extensive background as a reporter and editor for esteemed publications such as Blueprint Premium Times, and Daily Trust has left a legacy of excellence that continues to resonate across Nigeria.

Abdulaziz is a recipient of numerous awards, including the prestigious Wole Soyinka Center for Investigative Journalism Award.

His integrity, dedication, and work ethic remain exemplary, even after his elevation into the corridors of power within Aso Rock Villa.

Arrogance and vanity are foreign concepts to him, as he continues to maintain strong relationships with colleagues and friends across the media industry.

Despite the challenging task of defending the current administration, especially given the economic policies that have brought hardship to many Nigerians, Abdulaziz has consistently worked with dedication to enlighten the public.

He reminds Nigerians that although the present may be tough, there is light at the end of the tunnel. His unwavering optimism and thoughtful communication have been crucial in maintaining public morale during these difficult times.

Abdulaziz is known not only for his professional prowess but also for his personal character.

He is accommodating, approachable, and always ready to embrace friends and colleagues as family.

These attributes have earned him respect from a wide range of people, both within and outside the media industry.

His ability to foster inclusivity and bring everyone together has made him a respected figure across political divides.

Appointing Abdulaziz as your next presidential spokesperson would be a strategic move, bringing both competence and credibility to the role.

His popularity, especially in the northern part of the country where he hails from, would enhance your administration’s connection with various regions.

As a Nigerian citizen and social commentator, I urge you, Mr. President, and the esteemed individuals within Aso Rock, to give this recommendation serious consideration.

Abdulaziz Abdulaziz is more than qualified for the job.

His intelligence is unparalleled, his experience speaks for itself, and his ability to use his pen as a powerful tool is second to none.

This recommendation is not made out of personal friendship but out of a deep conviction that Abdulaziz Abdulaziz is indeed the right man for the job.

His capacity to succeed Ajuri Ngelale as presidential spokesperson would be an invaluable asset to your administration.

Nasiru Salisu Zango is the Manager News Freedom Radio, writes form Kano

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