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Exiled Kano emirs and their privileges

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Emir Sanusi II at Lagos residence

Nasiru Wada Khalil

I was motivated to write this piece in order to correct some notions and set the record straight regarding how a former emir should appear, as well as narrate how the two previously exiled emirs related with people.

It was on Sallah day that a group of people in one of the social media platforms came across Emir Sanusi II holding a gaisuwa session in his residence in Lagos while in royal regalia and a dogari (Turakin Sallama) was by the side anchoring the gaisuwa for him. They all commented thinking that such a session should not ideally be held.

Hence, I decided that there is the need to recollect previous practices of exiled emirs with similar fate as Sanusi II in order to correct the perception of people outside the domain of royalty on the pre-existing cultural practice by the dynasts of Kano.

Therefore, anything outside cultural privilege is not within the purview of this mini article.

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In this regard, two examples will be cited to justify the conduct of Emir Sanusi II.

The first example was the first deposition or dethronement of an Emir after the Danfodio Jihad and establishment of Ibrahim Dabo dynasty in Kano.

This was the case of the British colonialists’ deposition of Emir of Kano Alu (1897 – 1903) immediately after their conquest of the Emirate, which brought an end to his reign.

Emir Alu was first exiled to Yola in present Adamawa State and later to in Lokoja of the present day Kogi State along with other emirs who suffered similar fate.

He resided there until his death in 1926 during the reign of Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero.

The emirs that were exiled alongside Emir of Kano Alu were: Malam Aliyu Dan Sidi (Emir of Zazzau); Malam Abubakar (Emir of Bida); Muhammadu Aliyu (Emir of Gwandu), and Abubakar Abubakar (Emir of Gumel).

These emirs died while in exile in Lokoja and were all buried there.

The second case was that of the abdication of Emir of Kano Sir Sanusi KBE (1953 – 1963).

Sanusi was instrumental to the success of the ruling party, Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

Later his relationship with the NPC Northern Regional Government became strained particularly with the Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), who was his distant cousin.

The Government instituted a Commission of Inquiry, which indicted him and was forced to abdicate in April 1963 and immediately exiled to Azare in present Bauchi State.

These two examples in the history of Ibrahim Dabo Dynasty in Kano influenced the conduct of the former and exiled Emir Sanusi II.

Exclusive privileges of Kano Emirs

It is however important to recall the exclusive privileges of a serving emir that he does not share with anyone and which the exiled emirs never exhibited.

When an emir’s position is vacant, the Shamaki who is the chief slave official will take the custody of the takalmin gashin jimina (ostrich feather shoe), twagayen masu (the twin spears), figini (ostrich feather fan) and wukar yanka da kwari da bakan Dabo (Dabo’s knife, bow and arrow) and hand them over to the head of the king makers, Madaki, for the adornment and usage of the new emir.

This also clearly shows that, these items are the exclusive regalia of a serving emir that he does not share with any dynast.

The two exiled Emirs of Kano (Alu and Sanusi I) dressed in the normal emir’s regalia as when they were emirs but without the exclusive regalia.

A good example was the appearance of Emir Sanusi I while in exile at Azare.

Rukayya B. Makama his granddaughter and biographer in her book titled Sir Muhammadu Sanusi Sarki Na Goma Sha Daya a Daular Fulani provided his pictures in this regards.

First of all, the picture on page 175 shows Emir Sir Sanusi KBE seated not on a normal chair but on Karaga (royal bed) dressed in full regalia.

Karaga is also part of apparatus that a former emir can enjoy for the rest of his life.

Similarly, on page 192 he was seated reading the Holly Qur’an in his full royal dress.

People should now know that wearing turban with the two rabbit like ears and babbar riga (a flowing gown) and Alkyabba (gown) is never categorized by anyone as exclusive preserve for the serving emir.

Maghili explained the wisdom behind the appearance of the emir in the second chapter of The Crown of Religion Concerning the Obligations of Princes – it is all about dignity – and dignity should or must be maintained even after losing the throne.

We have seen the documentary film on Emir Sanusi’s relocation to Wudil from Azare where he led Jumuat prayer in Azare with his white Alkyabba covering his head (rufe kai da kokuwar alkyabba) just like every serving emir going for a congregational prayer in Kano.

This appearance is an exclusive privilege of a former emir.

No royal family member either with title or without can dress in such form but dressing in full royal regalia with kunne biyu and hanging sword (rataya takobi) is applied even to former or retired district heads talk less of former emir.

Dan Iya Ado Sanusi and Danburam Abubakar Bayero are good examples of appearance in full regalia by dynasts after deposition.

In 1926 Emir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went to Lokoja and paid a visit to his uncle and father in-law, the deposed Emir of Kano Alu. On Alu’s outing to receive his guest – Abdullahi Bayero – he came out not only in full royal regalia (without the exclusive items) but also with courtiers chanting Takawa Sannu a normal practice of Coded Communication guiding the dynast and royal family.

This incidence justified the mini royal court session held in Lagos on the Sallah day for Sallah greeting.

Another example just like Emir Alu, Emir Sanusi KBE also both in Azare and Wudil often came out under the guidance of kiran lafiya (coded communication by the royal slaves), Isa Kwatagwam (a eunuch who died in Azare) and female jakadu (singular: jakadiya) such as Jakadiya Dala, Jakadiya Yarinya, Jakadiya Biya-biya and later Jakadiya Ai, all of them escorted him right from his house chanting kiran lafiya just like the practice for the serving Emir in Gidan Rumfa.

On a similar note, a former emir is entitled to be serenaded with palace musical instrument except Kakaki (long trumpet) and Tambari (A ‘royal’ hemispherical drum).

The case of Kakaki as exclusive preserve for an emir only applies in Kano, but in other emirates Kakaki is not for emir alone.

Once an Emir…

In the end, it is natural that when an Emir is deposed or retired, it is not expected of him to become a gyartai (cobbler) in his day to day conduct, there must be elegance and dignity in his conduct.

He is still an emir in all ramifications only that he has no territorial control.

He is entitled to all the cultural privileges of an emir to the end of his life.

In the traditional system of Kano, emir remained an emir for life irrespective of where he is stationed, this can be understood if we refer to Kano Palace language, in which when referring to Emir of Kano Alu after his exile up to now he is referred to as ‘Sarki Mai Tafiya’ (emir who travelled) meaning an emir who reside outside the emirate.

This is why a former or retired emir when he passes away, will be buried amongst emirs just like what happened to Emir Sanusi I in Kano.

His remains were buried in Nassarawa Palace alongside Emir Abbas, Emir Abdullahi Bayero and Emir Muhammadu Inuwa.

The same scenario in recent history took place in Sokoto.

When Sultan Dasuki died in Kaduna, his funeral prayer like all other sultans who died on the throne was held in Sultan Bello Mosque in Sokoto with the entire sultanate king makers around and he was subsequently buried in the Hubbaren Shehu Dan Hodiyo.

From these practices, it is hereby concluded an Emir of Kano no matter his condition retains some privileges for life.

Therefore the conduct of Emir Sanusi II does not violate any known Kano palace intangible cultural heritage.

Nasiru Wada Khalil researcher on palace cultural heritage can be reached at nasiruwada@gmail.com

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Opinion

Governor Umar Namadi @ 63: A Life of Purpose, A Legacy of Inclusive Leadership

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Yunusa Hamza (Tafidan Farin Dutse)

 

At sixty-three, Governor Umar Namadi stands not merely as a public office holder, but as a compelling symbol of purposeful leadership, moral clarity, and people-centred governance. His life journey, rooted in discipline, shaped by service, and guided by integrity, offers both inspiration and instruction in an era where leadership is often tested by complexity and competing expectations, especially in a diverse state like Jigawa.

 

Governor Umar Namadi’s formative years were defined by resilience, humility, modesty, and a deep appreciation for community values. His professional ascent, particularly in the financial and administrative sectors, was marked by diligence and an unwavering commitment to transparency. As a Fellow Chartered Accountant (FCA), he cultivated a reputation for prudence and accountability—traits that later became the cornerstone of his public service ethos.

 

Governor Umar Namadi’s transition into politics was not driven by ambition alone, but by a sense of duty to contribute meaningfully to societal progress. Rising through the ranks, he served with distinction in both the private and public sectors. Notably, as Commissioner of Finance and later as Deputy Governor, he demonstrated loyalty, competence, and a collaborative spirit. These qualities prepared him for the greater responsibility he now bears as the Executive Governor of Jigawa State.

 

Governor Namadi’s leadership exemplifies inclusivity in both vision and execution. He governs with deliberate openness, ensuring that policies reflect the needs and aspirations of diverse communities—urban and rural, young and old, privileged and underserved. His administration has consistently emphasised participatory governance, recognising that sustainable development is anchored in collective ownership.

 

Equally defining is his honesty—an attribute that has earned him public trust and institutional credibility. In a political climate often clouded by scepticism, Governor Umar Namadi’s integrity stands out as a refreshing constant. He leads not with rhetoric, but with results; not with grandstanding, but with grounded action. His financial discipline and transparent governance have fostered confidence among citizens and stakeholders alike.

 

Above all, Governor Umar Namadi embodies a clear sense of purpose. His developmental agenda is not episodic but strategic, focused on long-term impact rather than short-term applause. From strengthening education and healthcare systems to advancing agricultural productivity and infrastructural growth, his policies reflect a coherent vision for a prosperous and self-reliant Jigawa State.

 

At 63, the life of Governor Umar Namadi is a testament to the power of consistency, character, and conviction. He reminds us that leadership is not merely about occupying office, but about uplifting lives, building institutions, and leaving behind a legacy of hope. Indeed, it is worth noting that “sixty-three teaches that strength is not loud—it is steady.”

 

In celebrating Governor Umar Namadi at this time, we celebrate more than a birthday; we celebrate a life devoted to service—a leader defined by inclusivity, honesty, and unwavering commitment to purpose.

 

Finally, as he marks his 63rd birthday, it is not merely a milestone of age, but a celebration of significance—a testament to a life that has gathered meaning, shaped others, and will, Insha Allah, continue to inspire. As the saying goes, “Sixty-three is not the sunset of life; rather, it is the golden hour where everything glows with purpose.”

 

This piece was written by Yunusa Hamza (Tafidan Farin Dutse) of Gwaram Local Government Area, Jigawa State. He can be reached via [yunusafarindutse@gmail.com](mailto:yunusafarindutse@gmail.com) or +234 803 444 5493.

 

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Opinion

Bauchi: A paradise for immunity seekers? How allegedly corrupt politicians are eyeing government house

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Haroon Mustapha

 

For the attention of His Excellency, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

 

If two-term presidential politics is a game of two halves, then the first term is when a president sets direction, lays foundations, and begins to redirect the country toward a brighter future. The second term is when those gains are consolidated, the larger vision is executed, and a lasting legacy is secured. The ‘BAT’ years are positioned to become a defining period that repositions Nigeria regionally and internationally—no longer the tired story of a nation defined only by potential, but a 21st-century success story that converts potential into tangible national benefits.

 

That is precisely why Bauchi, like every other state in the federation, must not be allowed to become a paradise for immunity seekers. Past executive failures must not be recycled. Allegations of criminality must not be politically laundered. Questions over allegedly siphoned NNPC funds, claims of procurement abuse, and allegations touching on banditry or terrorism financing must not be brushed aside while Bauchi misses a genuine opportunity to reposition itself as a hub for tourism, agricultural investment, and strategic solid mineral development under your leadership.

 

Few tactics in politics are as cynical as the rush for constitutional immunity. Under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), governors are protected from civil and criminal proceedings while in office. For some Bauchi politicians, the timing of their ambitions raises serious concerns. With lingering allegations from their time in public service, the governorship can appear less like a platform for service and more like a constitutional shield.

 

Reports in the public domain suggest that individuals investigated or charged by the EFCC or ICPC are repositioning themselves as leaders seeking the people’s mandate—not necessarily to serve, but, critics argue, to evade accountability. Regardless of how such actors reframe their narratives, the public record cannot simply be ignored. This trend risks turning Bauchi into a haven for immunity seekers, weakening public trust, undermining governance, and damaging the reform legacy your administration seeks to build.

 

A prominent example is the current governor, Senator Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. Before his election in 2019, the former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory faced EFCC scrutiny. The anti-graft agency stated that he “was standing trial for money laundering at the time he won the election as governor of Bauchi State. Only the constitutional immunity from prosecution has put that case in abeyance.”

 

More recently, his administration has faced fresh scrutiny involving aides charged with money laundering and terrorism financing, with his name reportedly appearing in court filings. Governor Mohammed has dismissed these developments as political persecution. Critics, however, argue that his 2019 governorship bid may have been partly influenced by the protections of constitutional immunity. Whether one accepts the EFCC’s position or the governor’s defence, the optics remain troubling.

 

Reports also indicate that sections of Bauchi’s political elite are positioning Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti as Governor Mohammed’s preferred successor ahead of the 2027 elections. This raises an important question: is this confidence, or a reflection of a political class that believes public memory is short?

 

Dr Wunti, a career public servant, served in the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC), rising through several senior roles, including Group General Manager of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS). However, public records also contain allegations relating to his tenure, including claims of contract inflation and procurement irregularities.

 

While these allegations have not resulted in any conviction and have been dismissed by his supporters as baseless, their persistence in public discourse raises concerns. As he emerges as a potential governorship candidate, critics see a familiar pattern: individuals under scrutiny seeking offices that confer constitutional immunity.

 

Mr President, your administration has projected itself as reform-driven and committed to difficult but necessary decisions. The removal of fuel subsidy, exchange rate reforms, and fiscal restructuring are widely cited as evidence of that commitment. This is why the company your administration keeps is equally important.

 

The people of Bauchi are weary of unrealised potential—youth unemployment, weak healthcare systems, and underdeveloped economic sectors. The state holds vast opportunities in agriculture, tourism, and mineral resources, but these cannot be realised if leadership is driven by self-preservation rather than public service.

 

Your reform agenda is built on credibility. Associating with individuals facing serious allegations risks undermining that credibility. Public perception matters, both locally and globally. If Bauchi’s political succession becomes associated with unresolved allegations and political manoeuvring, it could reinforce concerns about accountability within the system.

 

Your legacy will not be judged solely by economic indicators but also by the standards you uphold and the precedents you set. Any perception that political offices are being used as shields against accountability risks weakening the broader narrative of reform and national renewal.

 

Bauchi’s political elite must decide whether protecting individuals facing serious allegations serves the people or perpetuates a cycle of impunity.

 

Mr President, you have demonstrated economic courage. You now face a test of political consistency. A lasting legacy requires reform without selective tolerance for corruption. Allowing Bauchi to become a refuge for immunity seekers would not only undermine the state’s future but also cast a shadow on the broader reform agenda.

 

The 2027 elections will test whether substance prevails over political expediency. Nigerians deserve leadership rooted in accountability, integrity, and genuine service.

 

We remain guided by your leadership, Mr President.

 

Mustapha writes from Bakin Kura Street, Bauchi.

 

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Opinion

Muhammad Abubakar Rimi: Sixteen Years After

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Isyaku Ibrahim

A proverb says that nobody lives forever, and this is true, as everyone has an appointed time. This was the reality on April 4, 2010, when the unarguable leader of progressive and radical politics, the outspoken Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar Rimi, answered the divine call while returning home after attending the coronation of the Emir of Dass in Bauchi State.

 

Many shed tears as an icon passed on, creating a huge vacuum in the political history of the country. Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar Rimi was a man whose name transcended national boundaries due to his numerous admirable qualities.

 

Among the attributes that made the late consummate politician stand out were his eloquence, truthfulness, receptiveness, incorruptibility, courage, fearlessness, humour, people-centred approach, and, above all, his sense of justice and kindness. These were only a few of the countless traits that endeared him to people far beyond Kano and Nigeria.

 

If one recalls, the late political maestro, who could have contested for the Senate before Engineer Salihi Iliyasu was disqualified, was once invited to address a colloquium organised by the campaign team of former U.S. President George W. Bush—an honour accorded to only a few Africans.

 

Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar Rimi was, in many ways, a thorn in the flesh of Nigeria’s political establishment due to his steadfastness, sincerity, and firm opposition to draconian policies by both military and civilian administrations that inflicted hardship on ordinary citizens.

 

This was evident during his leadership of the old Kano State, where he made significant strides in infrastructural development and people-oriented policies within less than four years in office. His tenure stood out, even as he later left the party that brought him to power to pursue a second term under another platform.

 

It is on record that many of his successors could not match his achievements. Regrettably, several of his projects remain incomplete, while others have been abandoned.

 

Rimi was widely regarded as one of the most performing governors in the history of the old Kano State, alongside the late Police Commissioner, Alhaji Audu Bako.

 

Notably, he assembled a government dominated by young, educated individuals, including members of rival political parties. His cabinet featured figures such as Alhaji Abdulhamid Hassan (NPN) in Education, Shehu Shanono (UPN) in Local Government, and Ahmed Hassan Sani (GNPP), now the Emir of Gumel in Jigawa State, who handled Internal Affairs, Information, Youths, Sports, and Culture. Most of them were under the age of 40—an unprecedented move in Kano’s political history.

 

As admirers of the firebrand politician mark 16 years since the passing of the man fondly called *Limamin Canji* and *Rimi Adon Gari*, it is not an exaggeration to say that the vacuum he left behind remains difficult to fill, particularly in terms of ideology and leadership style.

 

We pray that Almighty God, in His infinite mercy, forgives his shortcomings and grants him eternal rest in paradise.

 

Isyaku Ibrahim is Director of Public Enlightenment in the Kano State Civil Service.

 

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