Opinion
AbdulJabbar’s Shiite agenda and blasphemy
By Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa
Abduljabar Nasiru Kabara has confirmed that he is a Shiite. But there is need to examine the trajectory of Shiism in Nigeria and their strategies since they first manifested as internationalist propagandists.
Sunni Islam is predominant in Nigeria since the arrival of Islam in the Sudan. Shehu Usman Danfodio and his successors reinforced this position.
In 1979 Ayatullah Khomenei led the Shiite Revolution in Iran, which he called Islamic Revolution. He gained the sympathy of many Muslims across the world because of American antagonism towards his Shiite State.
In Nigeria many students sympathized with the Iranian cause. One of such students was Ibrahim Yakubu (aka ElZakzaki). He recruited many followers in the university not in the name of Shiism because at that time he did not profess to be Shiite. He was more inclined to Muslim Brothers (Ikhwan of Egypt and Syria) and he used their books for preaching and propagation of his ideas.
Even Khomenei at that time did not insist all Muslims should become Shiites. In fact the Iranians even pledged to edit and translate the literature of the Sokoto leaders.
This was in the formative stage. It was a deliberate action that enticed innocent people who thought Khomenei was genuine. I visited Iran in 1983 and since then I realized that their aim was not Islam but Shiite propagation and recruitment for Iranian imperialist expansionism.
All the rhetoric against the USA is only a deceitful deviance. After all Iran is now a major financier of terrorism and other high stake crimes such as drug dealings and laundering of counterfeit currency. These are not Islamic actions.
Many student activists visited Iran but ElZakzaki became the focal person. Abdulkarim Kaura Namoda met Khomenei who promised and directed that Nigerian version of Hizbollah terrorist organization should be founded under his command. This did not materialize because of his rivalry with ElZakzaki.
Gradually ElZakzaki transmuted and became a full Shiite. The Islamist political activists deserted him and his Shiism became public knowledge.
Others who went to Iran to study returned as Shiites some were trained as theologians while others in the natural sciences.
Shiites were recruited from the rural areas and from the urban vulnerable. They established their cells in many states of Northern Nigeria. The Shiite Republic of Iran and its clients supported Shiite groups across the country. They established schools in many parts of Northern Nigeria. They commenced the recruitment drive.
The first targets were Islamists in educational institutions where they recruited as much as they could. The next targets were followers of Sufi brotherhoods (Darikas).
The reason for targeting them was political as most of them were against Saudi religious propaganda. This was the soft point of people like Abduljabar and some of them were eventually converted.
Meanwhile Ibrahim ElZakzaki became the de-facto leader of Shiites in Nigeria even though some who were trained in Iran resisted because of his intellectual deficiency. They even claimed that they are apolitical and that they have nothing to do with ElZakzaky’s confrontation with the State.
The incapacitation of ElZakzaki has created a vacuum up for the grabs. Abduljabar is about to fill that vacuum. He has requested Iran to support him. This is a clear manifestation of his agenda. He uses misrepresentation of Islam propagated by orientalists, out right lies and virulent narratives to entice the many ignorant and unemployed youths.
This was the same strategy used by Maitatsine earlier and ElZakzaki, who subsequently eliminated Abdulkarim Kaura, the Zamfara prince who eventually became a psychiatric case.
Abduljabar’s agenda is to recruit as many gullible people into Shiism as possible. This could be achieved through the mass media by exploiting the intellectual and material weaknesses of the society and the secularist contradictions of the Nigerian State.
He falsely claims, through his postures that he wants to purge Islam of adulteration according to him as a result of the lies fabricated against the Prophet (SAW), which have remained in the books of Ahl Sunna. He claims that all the Ahl Sunnah are misguided and by extension Shaykh Nasiru Kabara his father who lived as a scholar of the Ahl Sunna doctrine and never challenged the books of Hadith, Fiqh or even the Ash’ari School of Theology.
All these according to the claims of Abduljabar must be discarded. And he has nothing to offer apart from disjointed quotations since he is not even grounded in Fiqh.
Sometimes when it suits him, he condemns the great Muslim Jurists who espoused the rules of Fiqh. His aim is to confuse the listeners and eventually recruit them into deviant Shiite doctrine since most of them are ignorant.
Abduljabar is not a scholar but a propagandist so he assumes everyone is ignorant. There is nothing original or scholarly in his ranting.
Every student not even scholar knows that Christianity, Islam, Shiism have their epistemology. They have the rules upon which they establish their beliefs. So if anyone wants to reform any practices of any people that claim to be adherents of these faiths he must follow the established rules.
For example when Martin Luther decided to reform the Church he did not challenge Trinity or the fundamental practices approved by the early Church.
Those engaged in polemics against Christianity can bring so many phrases that contradict each other in the Bible. Such polemics can even prove that the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD was a later contrivance presided by unbaptized Christian and it made Trinity the Final Doctrine of Christianity.
But no Christian will ever accept this as a reason to discard Trinity or even shake his faith in it. This is because Christ said to Simon the fisherman: “And I also say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock I will build My church and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against it” (Matthew 16: 18).
According to Christian teaching the Holy Spirit guided the institution of the Church after Christ and it has final authority on Faith hence it promulgated all the important creeds especially that of Chalcedon in AD 451.
It was the Church not Christ that decided what should even be in the Bible. Thus “St. Paul in writing letters to the congregations of disciples in Rome and other centers had no idea that he was helping to construct a New Testament” of the Bible (Wilfred Cantwell Smith The Meaning and End of Religion Fortress Press Minneapolis 1991 p. 94). In this respect Shiism is closer to Christianity than Islam because it was created after the Prophet (SAW).
In Islam not Shiism, there is no clergy or Church as in the case of Christianity. There are certain principles outlined which all scholars know and they use them to discern any issue hence it is possible reach consensus without any meeting.
This was how every issue was resolved since the time of the companions. As it is clear now on the blasphemy of Abduljabar, when he equated himself with the Prophet (SAW) in widely circulated video.
Shiism, on the other hand is different as it was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics. Everything revolves around their Imams who are infallible and they came after our beloved Prophet (SAW). Anything that does not elevate them must be interpreted to have that meaning.
Some Shiites do not even pray the Juma’a because the Imam of the time is hidden until Khomenei elevated his own status to that of Velayat-e Faqih, a new concept in Shiism, which he introduced to assume the role of the representative of the Imam and he directed them to pray.
His authority to his followers is similar to that of the Pope hence he made decrees in absence of the Imam who is the supreme Shiite authority.
So the positions of Ahl Sunnah on the Qur’an and Hadith are different from those of the Shiites but Abduljabar will never say this. Because his aim is to use his fraud to hoodwink the ignorant and disconnect them from the Sunnah and then introduce them to his Shiite false doctrine that was invented after the Prophet (SAW).
The Qur’an is the Word of Allah and is recited by Muslims as revealed, to our beloved Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him). Qur’an is unadulterated and has remained as revealed ever since and it shall forever remain because the Muslims have the Qur’an in their memory. Not all Shiites believe this. This is because of their hatred for Sayyiduna Usman and the fact that their false doctrines cannot stand if they accept the Finality and Divinity of the Qur’an (Word of ALLAH).
Anyone who doubts the authenticity of the Qur’an is not a Muslim. Some Shiites, who did not reach the level of kufr (unbelief) do not out rightly reject the Qur’an but misinterpret its meanings whenever it does not satisfy their desires.
But this is more difficult for them to openly declare hence the only strategy is to attack the Hadith literature and generate confusion in the minds of the ignorant and the gullible. If Abduljabar succeeds in this adventure he will begin to openly attack the Qur’an.
Sunnah is the sum total of the “divinely guided” life style of the Prophet (SAW) as transmitted through an impeccable chain of narrators in authentic Hadith. It includes all his statements and actions “as well as the statements and actions of others done in his presence which did not meet his disapproval. Hadith is the record of actions and sayings of the Prophet (SAW).”
Hadith, is also the record of sayings and actions of his companions done in his presence” (Philips, A. A. B. 1995 The Evolution of Fiqh: Islamic Law and the Madh-habs Riyadh p. 29), which he approved. Hadith therefore is the record of the Sunnah.
Scholars of Ahl Sunnah have categorized Hadiths and the majority of the Muslims accept these categorizations. There are scholarly disagreements on Hadiths and also critiques of all Hadith collections. Analyses were done before using them for any Shari’ah rulings, which are accepted based on the principles outlined over one thousand years ago.
One of the most important differences between Ahl Sunnah and deviant Shiites is in the principles accepted for authentication, rejection of Hadith and using them to make legal judgments.
Yet Shiites with evil intention such as Abduljabar quote Hadith authenticated or rejected by Ahl Sunnah, make additions, misinterpret them and even translate the Arabic wrongly where possible since it is all about polemics not principles of knowledge.
This is because they have no Hadith collections to use in authenticating their heretic interpretations or engage in polemics but only have the fabricated sayings of their Imams and fabricated or misinterpreted Hadiths of the Ahl Sunnah.
The Shiites are able to engage in these evil actions because the Ahl Sunnah revere all the companions and most of the Shiite Imams therefore it is easy to find traditions in the collections of Ahl Sunnah that are attributed to these pious leaders.
It is a similar case with Christians it is an article of Faith of Ahl Sunnah to believe in the Prophets mentioned in the Bible even though Christians do not believe in our beloved Prophet SAW.
So why is Abduljabar different? He claims that he wants to purge Islam of contradictions according to him people are leaving the Faith because of such contradictions. Therefore he has appointed himself as a reformer, committed to refining all the corpus of knowledge of the Ahl Sunnah.
This is deliberate to deceive the gullible. In his rhetoric he does not adhere to any principles. And he is not able to outline his own new principles since he does not even have the capacity to do that.
For example Al-Sayid Sabiq decided to write Fiqh Sunnah because he was not satisfied with the principles of the Schools of Islamic Law (Madhahib) and Shaykh Nasirudeen Albani wrote Sifat Salat Nabi because he was not satisfied with the description of many scholars.
Abduljabar on the other hand is only interested in creating confusion not even the critique of the Hadith collections. He claimed that he studied Bukhari with his father Shaykh Nasir Kabara but was that how he taught him?
Abduljabar is totally disrespectful to our beloved Prophet SAW because he does not adhere to the principles outlined in Ash-Shifa of Qadi that has been in Kano and continuously used for over 500 years.
His father Shaykh Nasiru Kabara was very proud of Ash-Shifa and lived by its teachings. Based on the rulings in Ash-Shifa part four the chapter on ‘The Legal Judgment As Regards the One Who Characterizes Oneself with the Prophets’ Qualities”, Abduljabar should be indicted and punished for committing this blasphemy.
Some people are claiming that Abduljabar should be allowed to continue with his heresy because Nigeria is a democracy. But every democracy has certain values.
For example nobody dares to deny that there was Holocaust or even criticize Jews or the Lesbians and Gays (LGBT) in the Western countries. This support to LGBT is unchristian but it is strong in the West.
This is because “the Europe once coterminous with Christendom is now post-Christian and neo-pagan” (Roberts J. M. 1996 A History of Europe Oxford p.583) hence they elevated their desires above God’s prohibitions.
Muslims can never accept elevating man above Allah’s Law. Therefore in Kano, according to the position of Ahl Sunnah it is a crime to denigrate the Prophet (SAW) his family and companions. Those who oppose this position are either Shiites who want to damage the reputation of the Sunnah or ignorant people.
Some of the Shiites, including the terrorist organization IMN and their sympathizers are angry that all Ahl Sunnah are united against Abduljabar so they invoke polemics against Ibn Taimiyah and Saudi-Iran rhetoric to seek support.
The IMN Shiite agents of Iranian imperialism in their naivety think they can gain the sympathy of the Tijaniyya followers they mentioned in their release. They will never because the Prophet (SAW) is too important to Ahl Sunnah.
But to these Iranian imperialist agents their politics is more important than the integrity of the Prophet (SAW) because politics invented theology in Shiism. They use the Prophet (SAW) only for political gain as Khomenei did.
They claim that Abduljabar has denied his insults against the Prophet (SAW), that this reason why he should be tried before a competent court, not to be exonerated by terrorists like, the IMN. All Ahl Sunnah are united including those they mentioned in their press statement this is the position of the truth because our beloved Prophet (SAW), his family and companions are more important than any sect or affiliation.
Is there any need to engage Abduljabar in a debate? All the issues concerning critique of Hadith have been discussed and understood by Ahl Sunna for over 1200 years culminating in the magisterial work of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (1372-1449).
Abduljabar’s positions are very clear. He is Shiite. So there is no need to debate with him. The only thing that needs to be done is for him to face trial for blasphemy nothing more. If he is found guilty he should be punished according to the Shari’a Penal Law of Kano State.
There is need for decisive action against him. This is not an infringement on his religious freedom. There is difference between religious freedom and criminality.
He can be Shiite or an atheist but if denigrates our beloved Prophet SAW he is a criminal as far as the Law of this land is concerned. He should not be allowed to use public platform to propagate Shiism using out of context quotations and outright lies.
The Americans stopped Trump’s hate propaganda in the social media so those who look up to the West for guidance even there, they have red line. The red line in Muslim societies is the integrity of our beloved Prophet SAW. There is no place for that blasphemy in Kano State the choice was made over 1000 years ago just as one cannot go to Iran and propagate anti-Shiism of any kind.
The strategy of Abduljabar is to use rabble-rousing, creating confusion and finally offering Shiism to his audience. Most of his listeners are unaware that Shiism was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics.
Their politics created a new theology for them based on the supremacy of their Imams and belief in them is an article of faith in Shiism.
Therefore the Iranian imperialist agenda is to confuse innocent people through this propaganda of people like Abduljabar who misinterpret, wrongly translate Hadiths and interpolate with outright lies.
Through this, they hope to recruit as many as possible and a gain foothold for imperialist Iran in the largest concentration of African Muslims. This must be stopped.
Kurawa is a public commentator in Kano.
Safiyanu Bichi
When Abia State Governor Alex Otti recently pulled off his shoe and proudly declared, “This is Aba Made,” the gesture went beyond the shoe itself. It offered a simple but powerful demonstration of what deliberate government patronage can do for local industry.
The message for Kano is equally important: where is Made-in-Kano in government procurement?
This is a question Kano can no longer afford to ignore.
For decades, Kano has been one of Nigeria’s important commercial and industrial centres. The state has a long tradition of manufacturing, textile production, leatherwork, furniture making, tailoring, metalwork, food processing and a wide range of small and medium-scale enterprises.
Yet having businesses and skilled artisans is not enough. Local industries need markets, and government procurement is one of the largest markets available in any economy.
The Kano State Government spends billions of naira annually on infrastructure, furniture, uniforms, clothing, construction materials, office equipment, vehicles, signage and other goods and services. The critical question is how much of this expenditure remains within Kano and how much leaves the state.
This is where a deliberate Kano Local Content Policy becomes necessary.
Every major state government project and Bill of Quantities (BOQ) should, where technically and economically feasible, contain a clearly defined local-content component. A target of 40 per cent Kano content could provide a practical starting point.
The idea is not to sacrifice quality or value for money. Rather, it is to ensure that qualified Kano-based businesses are given a fair opportunity to compete for government patronage.
If the government buys furniture from Kano manufacturers, contracts uniforms from local textile and garment producers, procures locally manufactured footwear and leather products, and sources other goods and services from competent businesses within the state, public expenditure can generate a multiplier effect across the local economy.
The money does not simply disappear after a government contract is executed. It circulates.
A furniture company pays its workers. Workers spend their earnings in local markets. Manufacturers purchase materials from other businesses. Transporters earn income. Artisans receive more orders. Businesses expand and potentially employ more people.
In other words, government procurement can become an instrument of economic development.
This is particularly important at a time when Kano needs to create more productive opportunities for its growing population, especially young people.
The state does not have to begin from scratch. Kano already possesses the human capital, entrepreneurial culture and business networks required to support a stronger local-content regime.
What is needed is deliberate policy, transparent implementation and consistent monitoring.
The government could begin by identifying categories of goods and services that can realistically be sourced within Kano. It could establish a database of qualified local manufacturers, contractors, artisans and suppliers, while maintaining clear standards for quality, pricing and delivery.
There should also be safeguards against turning local-content policy into another avenue for patronage. The objective should not be to favour politically connected businesses. It should be to create opportunities for genuine Kano-based enterprises that can meet established standards.
That distinction matters.
A successful local-content policy must combine local patronage with competition, quality, transparency and accountability.
The experience highlighted by Governor Otti offers Kano an opportunity for reflection. A simple act of wearing a locally made product can draw attention to an entire ecosystem of producers, workers and entrepreneurs behind that product.
Kano can create its own version of that story.
Imagine a government school furnished by Kano manufacturers, public institutions using locally produced furniture, uniforms supplied by Kano garment producers, official events showcasing locally produced textiles and leather goods, and government projects deliberately creating opportunities for competent local suppliers.
That would make “Made-in-Kano” more than a slogan.
It would make it part of government’s economic strategy.
Kano has the people. Kano has the skills. Kano has the entrepreneurs. Kano has the markets.
What is required is a deliberate decision to connect government spending with the productive capacity of the state.
Let Kano Government buy Made-in-Kano.
A 40 per cent Kano Local Content target should not be treated as another political promise. It should be the beginning of a measurable procurement policy that keeps more public money within the Kano economy, strengthens local businesses, supports jobs and helps rebuild the productive foundation of the state.
The real question is no longer whether Kano can produce.
The question is whether Kano is ready to buy what Kano produces.
Safiyanu Bichi is a member of the Kano Budget Working Group.
Dr Auwalu Halilu
Kano State has recorded the highest number of candidates nationwide who obtained at least five credits, including English Language and Mathematics, in the 2026 Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE) conducted by the National Examinations Council (NECO).
The state recorded 74,413 candidates meeting the benchmark, up from 68,159 in 2025. The increase represents 6,254 additional successful candidates, or approximately 9.2 per cent year-on-year growth.
Kano’s 2026 figure placed it ahead of Lagos, which recorded 72,496 candidates, and Oyo, with 55,543 candidates.
The result marks the second consecutive year in which Kano recorded the largest absolute number of candidates meeting the five-credit benchmark, including English Language and Mathematics.
The development provides an important opportunity to reflect on the direction of education in the state. While the figures are significant, the relevant measure here is the absolute number of successful candidates. Kano has one of Nigeria’s largest school-age populations and examination cohorts, meaning that the scale of achievement involves tens of thousands of young people attaining a credential that can open pathways to tertiary education, technical and vocational education, employment and further training.
Educational outcomes are rarely produced by a single intervention. They typically emerge from the interaction of financing, teachers, infrastructure, learning materials, school leadership, assessment, family support, community participation and accountability.
Kano’s recent performance should therefore be viewed within the wider pattern of sustained investment and reform in the state’s education sector.
State of emergency on education
One of the defining decisions of the current administration was the declaration of a State of Emergency on Education in June 2024.
The declaration acknowledged structural challenges including inadequate classrooms, teacher shortages, overcrowding, poor learning environments, large numbers of out-of-school children and shortages of teaching and learning materials.
It subsequently created a platform for accelerated interventions in classroom construction and renovation, teacher recruitment, school furniture, textbooks and learning materials, school uniforms, examination support and broader system strengthening.
Its significance lies not only in individual projects but also in the signal that education has been placed at the centre of the state’s development priorities.
Kano’s budgetary pattern is another indicator of the priority attached to education.
In 2024, education accounted for approximately 29.95 per cent of the state budget. In 2025, the allocation rose to about N168.35 billion, representing roughly 31 per cent of the budget. For 2026, approximately N405.35 billion was allocated to education, again accounting for around 30 per cent of the state’s overall spending plan.
Consistency across successive budget cycles is important because education transformation requires predictable financing. Children remain in school for many years, teachers require continuous professional development, infrastructure needs maintenance and learning reforms take time to mature.
However, budget allocation should not be treated as the final measure of success. Sustainability requires transparent reporting on releases, actual expenditure, procurement, outputs and learning outcomes.
Kano should increasingly publish the full chain from budget commitment to classroom-level impact.
Examination support
For low-income families, examination fees can determine whether a young person completes secondary education with a recognised certificate.
The government’s examination sponsorship therefore represents both an education intervention and a social-protection measure.
In 2025, the state approved more than N3 billion for examination registration support covering approximately 141,000 students across qualifying examinations, including WAEC, NECO, NABTEB and NBAIS. Additional support was provided to eligible students in community and voluntary schools.
In 2026, the intervention expanded substantially, with approximately N4.4 billion committed to examination fees for more than 150,000 students.
By absorbing these costs for eligible learners, government reduces the risk that poverty becomes the final barrier between years of schooling and an examination certificate.
The policy is particularly important in a state with a very large population and significant numbers of economically vulnerable households. Examination sponsorship should therefore be viewed as an equity measure that widens participation and helps ensure that family income does not alone determine access to final certification.
Teachers remain central
Classrooms and learning materials are essential, but teachers remain the human engine of the education system.
Kano has pursued large-scale teacher recruitment and absorption as part of its reforms. In September 2025, the state announced the absorption of 4,315 former BESDA volunteer teachers into permanent and pensionable employment.
In July 2026, appointment letters were presented to 8,588 teachers, comprising 4,900 newly recruited and trained teachers and 3,688 BESDA teachers.
These numbers matter because teacher shortages affect class sizes, subject coverage, instructional time and learning outcomes.
Recruitment, however, must be matched by effective deployment. Rural communities, underserved local government areas, girls’ schools and schools with shortages in English, Mathematics, science and technology subjects require particular attention.
Continuous professional development is equally important. The state’s work around the revised competency-based basic education curriculum should be sustained so that teachers are equipped to develop critical thinking, creativity, digital literacy, entrepreneurship, civic values and problem-solving skills rather than relying mainly on rote learning.
Infrastructure and learning materials
The condition of a school shapes attendance, dignity, safety and concentration. Kano has therefore invested in classroom renovation, construction, furniture and other school-level inputs.
Reported interventions include more than N1.9 billion for the renovation of primary school classrooms and approximately N2.925 billion for additional classroom construction.
In 2024, the government also announced the distribution of 73,800 three-seat desks across the state’s 44 local government areas.
Large-scale provision of school uniforms has complemented these investments. Reports indicated the distribution of hundreds of thousands of uniforms, while a further N1.148 billion was approved in 2025 for free uniforms for Primary One pupils in the 2025/2026 academic session.
These may appear to be simple inputs, but a uniform, desk, textbook or safe classroom can be decisive for a child from a low-income household.
The next challenge is to ensure that infrastructure and materials are equitably distributed, properly maintained and linked to measurable improvements in attendance and learning.
Partnerships remain important
Kano’s education challenge is too large for state resources alone. Sustainable transformation requires effective collaboration with federal institutions, development partners, civil society, communities and the private sector.
UBEC-supported interventions have contributed classrooms and teacher support across the state, while programmes such as the UK-supported Partnership for Learning for All in Nigeria (PLANE), UNICEF, Plan International and Save the Children have supported education planning, foundational literacy and numeracy, teacher development, data generation and teaching and learning materials.
The most sustainable partnerships are those that strengthen government systems rather than create parallel structures.
As externally funded programmes close, Kano will need to institutionalise effective approaches, retain trained personnel, budget for successful interventions and preserve the data and monitoring systems developed through such partnerships.
Beyond the NECO table
The movement from 68,159 successful candidates in 2025 to 74,413 in 2026 represents 6,254 additional young people meeting the five-credit benchmark, including English Language and Mathematics.
These are not merely examination statistics. Each number represents a student, a family, teachers, school leaders and communities.
At Kano’s population scale, even modest improvements in system effectiveness can affect tens of thousands of young people.
Education policy should therefore be understood not only as social-sector spending, but also as human-capital investment, poverty reduction, economic development and social stability.
A young population becomes a demographic dividend only when young people acquire knowledge, skills, values and opportunities.
NECO performance is an important indicator, but examination success should not become the final objective of education.
Kano needs young people who can read with comprehension, use mathematics, think critically, communicate effectively, solve problems, use technology, work collaboratively, create enterprises and participate responsibly in society.
The education strategy should therefore connect basic and secondary education more deliberately with technical and vocational education, tertiary education, entrepreneurship, digital skills, innovation and labour-market opportunities.
The long-term test of education investment is not only how many candidates pass an examination, but how effectively graduates convert education into productive lives and social contribution.
What comes next
The second consecutive NECO achievement also raises questions about how the gains can be sustained and deepened.
Kano should develop a medium- and long-term financing framework that protects education investment while shifting attention from allocation alone to releases, expenditure efficiency and value for money.
The Ministry of Education should publish an annual education performance report by local government area covering enrolment, attendance, retention, transition, completion, learning outcomes, teachers, infrastructure, WASH, school safety, gender, disability inclusion, examinations and financing.
Government should also analyse NECO results beyond absolute numbers by tracking percentage pass rates, local government and school performance, subject-level outcomes, gender gaps, urban-rural differences and year-on-year trends.
Examination sponsorship for indigent learners should be protected, with transparent eligibility criteria and a digital beneficiary database to improve targeting, prevent duplication and track beneficiaries’ progression.
Teacher quality should receive as much attention as teacher numbers through institutionalised continuous professional development, mentoring, classroom observation and data-driven deployment, particularly in underserved rural communities and critical subjects.
There is also a need for incentives for rural teacher deployment, including accommodation, transportation support and career incentives that make difficult-to-reach postings more attractive and sustainable.
Learning should be measured before the final examination. Regular state-level assessments in literacy, numeracy, science and other competencies at key stages can help identify and address learning gaps early.
The state should also establish a preventive maintenance culture involving education authorities, school leadership, School-Based Management Committees and communities so that renovated facilities remain functional.
Action on out-of-school children should be intensified through ward- and household-level data to identify who is out of school, why they are out, where they live and what interventions are required.
Girls’ education should remain a priority through sustained scholarships, re-entry opportunities, safe learning environments, WASH facilities, female teacher deployment and community engagement.
School safety and resilience should also be strengthened through early-warning systems, safeguarding, emergency preparedness, community intelligence and collaboration with relevant security institutions.
Digital education should be expanded through improved access to devices, connectivity, digital learning resources and teacher digital competence, including in rural schools.
Credible technical and vocational education and training pathways should also be expanded to give secondary-school leavers stronger routes into technical education, apprenticeships, entrepreneurship and employable skills.
An education research and innovation hub could further connect government, universities, civil society and development partners to evaluate reforms, generate evidence, test innovations and translate research into policy.
Civil society, professional bodies, the media and platforms such as K-SAFE, CSACEFA, OGP and GEP should also be supported to monitor commitments, expenditure and outcomes constructively.
A story of shared responsibility
The emerging Kano education story is encouraging.
In 2025, 68,159 candidates obtained five credits and above, including English Language and Mathematics, in NECO. In 2026, the number rose to 74,413 — 6,254 additional successful young people in one year.
Behind the figures is a wider pattern of public investment: education receiving around 30 per cent of successive budgets; billions of naira committed to examination sponsorship; thousands of teachers recruited or absorbed; classrooms renovated and constructed; desks, uniforms and learning materials provided; and partnerships strengthened with federal institutions and development organisations.
These investments provide an enabling environment for improved participation and learning outcomes.
At the same time, the NECO result should not be attributed to any single intervention or individual. Students, teachers, parents, school leaders, communities, education agencies, federal institutions and development partners all contribute to educational outcomes.
The stronger lesson is that sustained political prioritisation and public investment can create conditions in which progress becomes possible.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the Kano State Government deserve recognition for placing education prominently within the state’s development agenda, while teachers, parents, communities and, above all, the students deserve recognition for converting opportunity into achievement.
The second consecutive NECO achievement should therefore send two messages: celebration that progress is being recorded, and responsibility to sustain and deepen that progress.
Kano’s ambition must ultimately be larger than leading a national table in absolute candidate numbers.
It should be a state where every child enters school, every child learns, every learner is safe and included, every teacher is competent and supported, and every young person leaves education with the knowledge, character and skills needed to build a productive life.
Education transformation is not achieved in one budget year, one examination cycle or one administration. It is a generational project.
When a society consistently invests in its children, strengthens its teachers, supports its schools and holds its institutions accountable, it is not merely funding education — it is investing in its future.
Dr Auwalu Halilu, Co-Chair (CSO), Kano State Accountability Forum on Education (K-SAFE).
Lamara Garba
Kano is beginning to speak with a more united political voice. As the 2027 general elections draw closer, politicians who once occupied different political camps are increasingly converging under the banner of the All Progressives Congress (APC), creating a political landscape that is noticeably different from the familiar pattern of fierce rivalry and fragmentation.
The arrival of prominent politicians, former elected officials, party leaders and thousands of supporters from different political backgrounds is therefore more than a routine exercise in political realignment; it signals an emerging consensus around stability, continuity and the search for a broader political platform capable of carrying Kano into its next chapter.
The significance of this development extends beyond the movement of politicians from one party or political group to another. It represents an emerging political convergence and a growing search for unity, stability and a shared vision for Kano. The entry of prominent political figures on Saturday, 5th September 2026, including Senator Rufa’i Sani Hanga and former Governor Kabiru Ibrahim Gaya, alongside other experienced politicians and stakeholders, has added a new dimension to the political equation in the state. Their movement into the APC, together with the reported influx of thousands of new members, suggests that Kano’s political landscape is undergoing a significant realignment as the state prepares for another crucial electoral contest.
Politics is ultimately a game of confidence. Political platforms may change and alliances may evolve, but people are generally drawn towards where they see hope, opportunity and the prospect of a better future. That is why the growing political convergence around Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the APC deserves attention. The movement of politicians into the APC is undoubtedly significant, but the more important question is why the political landscape is changing.
One possible explanation lies in the growing public acceptance of Governor Yusuf and the direction of his administration, particularly its emphasis on people-centred policies, human capital development and programmes intended to improve the lives and prospects of citizens.
At the heart of this approach is a simple but profound philosophy: government must ultimately be about the people. The greatest political strength of any leader does not lie only in the number of influential personalities standing beside him, but in the confidence of ordinary citizens who believe that government understands their needs and aspirations. People do not live on political slogans; they live with the consequences of government policies. Parents worry about the education and future of their children, young people seek opportunities to develop their potential, families require access to essential services, while communities expect development that they can see and experience. It is in this relationship between government and the people that Governor Yusuf has sought to build the political foundation of his administration.
The emphasis on people-centred policies and human capital development reflects an understanding that the most valuable resource of Kano State is not merely what lies beneath its soil or the structures that stand above it, but its people. A government that invests in people is investing in the future; a society that educates its children is preparing tomorrow’s leaders; a government that creates opportunities for young people is building hope; and leadership that places human development at the centre of governance is laying a foundation that can outlive any political administration. This is why the question of continuity has become increasingly important as Kano moves towards 2027.
Development is not an event; it is a process. No meaningful policy achieves its full potential overnight. Educational investments require time, human capital programmes require consistency, while development plans need stability of leadership and the patience of the people. The argument for the continuity of Governor Yusuf’s administration must therefore be viewed beyond the narrow prism of political ambition. It is about allowing policies to mature, consolidating development programmes, deepening investments in the people and giving a government that has established a development direction the opportunity to take that journey further. This provides a philosophical foundation upon which the case for a second term can be made.
There is also a broader political significance in the growing convergence of leaders and supporters under the APC. For years, Kano politics has been characterised by intense competition, and political rivalry is not necessarily a bad thing because democracy thrives on choices, competing ideas and different visions for society. However, competition must never become a permanent source of division. The people of Kano deserve an election season that inspires confidence rather than fear, and they deserve political leaders who understand that the collective interest of the state is greater than personal disagreements. The growing unity therefore deserves to be encouraged because the coming together of political leaders with different histories and backgrounds provides an opportunity for Kano to reduce tension and strengthen democratic stability as 2027 approaches.
Kano is too politically important to remain trapped in endless divisions. Its population, commercial influence and political consciousness make it impossible to ignore, and whatever happens politically in Kano often carries consequences beyond its borders. The state therefore requires leadership capable of uniting rather than dividing, inspiring confidence rather than uncertainty, and placing development above partisan bitterness. Governor Yusuf’s growing political acceptance and the expanding support for the APC offer an opportunity to build such a broad political consensus, although political unity must always be accompanied by responsibility.
The arrival of influential politicians and thousands of new supporters should not create complacency. Rather, it should strengthen the determination of the government and the party to deliver more meaningful results. The true measure of political popularity is not the size of the crowd at a rally, but the confidence that remains in the hearts of the people after the political excitement has faded. That confidence must be earned continuously through performance, inclusive governance, accountability and policies that address the real needs of citizens. Governor Yusuf and the APC therefore have an opportunity to present the people of Kano with a compelling argument as 2027 approaches, but that argument should not rest merely on promises. It must rest on performance, policies and the visible impact of governance.
The people will ask what has been achieved, what has changed, what opportunities have been created and what remains to be done. They will ultimately decide whether the journey deserves to continue, and that is the essence of democracy. Yet the growing political convergence in Kano has already provided an important indication of the changing mood. The decision of prominent political figures and thousands of their supporters to come together under one broad political platform reflects a growing belief that unity and continuity may offer Kano a stronger path towards the future.
The coming together of these political forces has also helped to reduce some of the anxieties traditionally associated with election seasons. Where leaders are willing to dialogue, cooperate and place the larger interest of society above personal differences, the political atmosphere becomes more stable. For Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, however, the greatest task remains governance. Political support can be won, but public confidence must be sustained; a leader must continue to listen to the people, a government must continue to respond to their needs, and development must continue to reach beyond political speeches into the daily lives of citizens.
The strongest argument for a second term will therefore be found not merely in the number of politicians who have joined the APC, but in the number of people whose lives have been touched by the policies and programmes of the administration. That is the true meaning of people-centred governance. As Kano moves towards 2027, the state appears to be entering a new political phase in which the convergence of experienced politicians, the growing support for the APC and the increasing confidence in Governor Yusuf have created a momentum that cannot easily be ignored. But the most important political force remains the people, and they will have the final word.
If the administration continues to deepen its people-centred policies, strengthen human capital development, sustain public confidence and promote political inclusion, then the argument for continuity will become even stronger. The politicians may have found a common umbrella, but the ultimate purpose of politics must remain the welfare of the people. If the emerging unity in Kano is sustained and translated into purposeful governance, then the road to 2027 may become more than a contest for political power; it may become a collective decision about the future Kano wants to build and the leadership it believes should continue that journey.
For Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the APC, unity has created an opportunity, but performance must justify it. The political realignment may be gathering momentum, but the enduring question will remain whether that momentum can be converted into better governance, greater opportunity and a more united Kano. In the final analysis, it is the people who will decide, and their verdict will be shaped not simply by political alliances, but by their lived experience of governance.
Lamara Garba, a veteran journalist, writes from Kano.
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