Opinion
Hausa Names as Ethnographic Identifiers
Abdallah Uba Adamu
It happened 40 years ago. A friend’s wife in Kano had delivered a bouncing baby boy. My friend chose Maikuɗi as the name for the baby. The families on both sides were having none of this. Maikuɗi was not a name, they argued. But he saw nothing wrong with it – a nice traditional Hausa name. He was adamant. They were adamant. Cue in A Mexican Standoff.
Three days to the naming ceremony, he blinked first, and apparently gave up. With a glint in his eyes, he decided to name the child Ibrahim. A beautiful Hebrew name but cognately shared by both Muslims and Christians (from Abraham, the father of all). Everyone was happy – until it dawned on everyone that Ibrahim was the name of my friend’s father-in-law. Tricky. In Hausa societies, names of parents are never uttered. In the end, everyone ended up calling the boy Maikuɗi! Right now, the boy is a successful international businessman living in the Middle East. Earning serious cash, and living up to his name – which means one born on a lucky day. Or Tuesday.
A few years later, the same friend’s wife gave birth a beautiful baby girl. He decided to name her Tabawa. Objections reloaded. Cue in Dog Day Afternoon. As previously, my friend blinked first. He decided to name her Hajara, another cognate of Hagar, the wife of Abraham. It also happened to be the name of his eldest sister. His mother could not utter it – both the Hausa and Fulani system of cultural relations prohibit mothers from calling the names of their first series of children. In the end, everyone ended up calling the child Tabawa. She is currently a university lecturer and a doctoral student in Nigeria. Living up to her name – which means Mother luck, or the name given to one born on Wednesday (in Kano; in Katsina, it is Tuesday) considered a lucky day. Two children, both lucky in their lives. Their traditional Hausa names became their mascots as they glided successfully through life.
So, why the aversion to Hausa ‘traditional’ names? You can’t name your child Maikuɗi, but everyone will applaud Yasar (wealthy – mai kuɗi?). Or Kamal (perfection). Or Fahad (panther). Or Anwar (bright). Or Fawaz (winner). You can’t name your daughter Tabawa, but it is more acceptable to call her Mahjuba (covered). Or Samira (night conversationist –TikToker?). Name your daughter ‘Dare’, and you are in trouble. Change it to Leila, and you out of it, even though this is an Arabic for ‘dare’ (night).
A lot of the names the Muslim Hausa currently use have nothing to do with Islam. Bearers of such names rarely know their actual meaning or context. They were Arabic, and forced on us by the Cancel Culture that attaches a derogatory ‘Haɓe’ coefficient to anything traditional to the Hausa.
Therefore, I, my friend whose family story I just related and another, decided to get together and be Wokish about traditional Hausa names. Paradoxically, none of us is genetically Hausa (whatever that might mean) – one had roots in north Africa, another had Kanuri heritage, and one had Agadesian and Torodbe roots – but all of us self-identified, with absolute honor and tenacity, as Hausa. None of this ‘Hausa-Fulani’ aberrational nonsense. ‘Hausa-Fulani’ appellation, in my view, is a Nigerian Cancel Culture device to suppress the Fulani culture. The Fulani may have conquered the ruling of the Hausa (except one or two places) and imposed their rule. The Hausa, on the other hand, have linguistically conquered the Fulani. In Kano it is considered anthropological purity to claim Fulani heritage – without knowing a single word of Fulfulde (the Fulani language). Substituting rulers, does not get rid of the general populace who remained what they are.
The third friend then took the task with gusto. He spent over ten years compiling authentic traditional Hausa names that have absolutely nothing to do with ‘Maguzanci’ (the label gleefully and contemptuously attached to any Hausa who is not a Muslim by the Hausa themselves) before Islam in about 1349, at least in Kano). He also collected names that had only a tinge connection to Islam. The end product was a hitherto unpublished list of 1001 authentic, genuine, traditional Hausa names that reflect the cosmology of the Hausa.
Hausa anthropological cosmology reflects the world view and belief system of the Hausa community. based upon their understanding of order in the universe. It is reflected in their naming system – just like any other culture. The Yoruba Muslims, for the most part have retained this attachment to their traditional cosmology. Farooq Kperogi has done a wonderful work on Yoruba naming, although with focus on their adaptation of Muslim names. The failure of the Hausa to do so was, of course, due to the suffocating blanket of Cancel Culture that the Hausa have been suffering for almost 229 years.
Now, let’s look at the names and their categories. The first category I created from the 1001 Names which I edited revolved around Being, Sickness and Death. As noted earlier, the traditional Hausa center their naming conventions on ecological and cosmological observations—using time, space and seasons to mark their births. Based on this, the first naming convention uses circumstances of birth. This category of names is used to refer to the arrival of a child either after another child’s death, death of a parent, sickness of the child immediately after being born or simple structure of the child that seems out of the ordinary. Examples include:
Abarshi. This is derived from the expression, ‘Allah Ya barshi’[May Allah make him survive]. A male child born after series of miscarriages. A female child is named Abarta. A protectionist naming strategy where the child is not given full loving attention after birth until even evil spirits note this and ignore, and thus let him be. Variants include Mantau, Ajefas, Barmani, Ajuji, Barau. Now you know the meaning of Hajiya Sa’adatu ‘Barmani’ Choge’s name – the late famous Hausa griotte from Katsina (1948-2013).
Then there is Shekarau, derived from ‘shekara’, a year. A male child born after an unusually longer period of gestation in mother’s womb. A variant of this name is Ɓoyi [hide/hidden]. A female child is named Shekara. Now you know the meaning of the surname of Distinguished Senator, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from Kano.
A third example is Tanko. This is a child born after three female children. Variants include Gudaji, Tankari, Yuguda/Iguda/Guda. I am sure you know the famous Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, Member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria and his media presence in late 2022.
Each of these sampled names reflect a philosophical worldview, reflecting spiritual resignation or slight humor. They therefore encode the traditional Hausa perspective of living and dying as inscribed on the way they name their children.
Names that even the contemporary Hausa avoid because of bad collective memory are those linked to wealth and being owned, or slavery.
Slaves have prominently featured in political and social structure of the traditional Hausa societies, especially in the old commercial emirates of Kano, Zaria, Daura and Katsina. Their roles are clearly defined along socially accepted norms and they are expected to perform given assignments demanded by their masters.
Slaves in Kano are divided into two: domestic and farm-collective. Trusted, and therefore domesticated slaves are mainly found in ruling houses, and are prized because of their loyalty to the title-holder. Farmyard slaves were often captured during raids or wars and are not trusted because of the possibility of escape. They were usually owned by wealthy merchants or farmers and are put to work in mainly farms
Although the institution of slavery as then practiced has been eliminated in traditional Hausa societies, the main emirate ruling houses still retain vestiges of inherited slave ownership, reflected even in the categorization of the slaves. For instance, in Kano royal slaves were distinguished between first-generation slaves (bayi) and those born into slavery (cucanawa).
At the height of slave raids and ownership particularly when owning a slave was an indication of wealth, the names of the slaves often reflect the status of the owner. Examples of these names include: Nasamu (given to first slave owned by a young man determined to become a wealthy man), Arziki (first female slave owned by a man), Nagode (female slave given away to a person as a gift), Baba da Rai (first gift of a male slave to a son by his father), Dangana (male slave of a latter-day successful farmer or trader, although later given also to a child whose elder siblings all died in infancy. The female slave variant is Nadogara), and Baubawa (slaves with different faith from the owner), amongst others.
The changing political economy of Hausa societies since the coming of colonialism has created new social dynamics which included outward banning of slavery. Thus, many of the names associated with slaves and ‘being-owned’ in traditional Hausa societies became disused, unfashionable, or which is more probable, to be used without any idea of their original meaning, it is thought that some record of them may be of value. An example is ‘Anini’, usually a slave name, but later used to refer to a child born with tiny limbs. The ‘smallness’ is also reflected in the fact that ‘anini’ was a coin in Nigerian economy, usually 1/10th of a penny—a bit like the small Indian copper coin, ‘dam’ (from which the English language got ‘damn’, as in ‘I don’t give a damn’).
Further, with the coming of Islam, slave names were eased out and replaced by conventional Muslim names as dictated by Islam, Retained, however, are slave names that also served as descriptors of the functions of the slave, even in contemporary ruling houses. Examples of these slave titles which are rarely used outside of the places include:
Shamaki (looks after the king’s horses and serves as an overseer of the slaves), Ɗan Rimi (King’s top slave official and looks after all weapons), Sallama (King’s bosom friend [usually a eunuch], same role as Abin Faɗa), Kasheka shares the household supplies to king’s wives [usually a eunuch], Babban Zagi (a runner in front of the king), Jarmai (the head of an army), Kilishi (prepares sitting place for the king), amongst others. These names are almost exclusively restricted to the palace and rarely used outside its confines. Cases of nicknames of individuals bearing these names remain just that, but had no official connotation outside of the palace.
The coming of Islam to Hausaland in about 13th century altered the way traditional Hausa name their children and created the second category of Hausa beside the first ‘traditional’ ones. This second category became the Muslim Hausa who abandoned all cultural activities associated with the traditional Hausa beliefs. This was not an overnight process, however, taking it as it does, centuries. Even then, a significant portion of Muslim Hausa material culture remains the same as for traditional Hausa. The point of departure is in religious or community practices which for the Muslim Hausa, are guided by tenets of Islam. Affected in this point of departure is naming conventions. This is more so because Islam encourages adherents to give their children good meaningful names. These names must therefore not reflect anything that counters the fundamental faith of the bearer or reflect a revert to a pre-Islamic period in the lives of the individuals.
However, while predominantly accepting Muslim names, traditional Hausa parents have domesticated some of the names to the contours of their language. For instance, Guruza (Ahmad), Da’u (Dawud), Gagare (Abubakar) Auwa (Hauwa), Daso (Maryam), Babuga (Umar), Ilu (Isma’il), amongst others.
So, here you are. If you are looking for an authentic, ‘clean’ traditional Hausa name, or trying to understand your friend’s traditional Hausa name (or even yours) you are welcome to 1001 Traditional Hausa names.
The list divided into two. The first contains 869 authentic traditional Hausa names. The second contains 132 Arabic/Islamic that the Hausa have somehow domesticated to their linguistic anthropology.
The file is available at https://bit.ly/42HJl97.
Adamu, is a Professor of media and cultural studies, Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
By: Lamara Garba Azare
In the vast theatre of Nigerian politics, where loyalties shift like desert winds and alliances are often built on the fragile sands of expediency, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso remains a paradoxical figure—grounded yet mobile, underestimated yet ever-looming, regional yet national. His name echoes from the narrow alleys of Kano to the polished corridors of Abuja. And in the current recalibration of the political landscape, his relevance is not just intact—it is ascending.
As 2027 casts its early shadow on the horizon, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must begin to examine not only who stands beside him today, but who can help him conquer tomorrow. Among all the northern actors, one name rings with both history and hope: Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—engineer, former governor, former minister, presidential contender, and above all, a man of the people.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s political journey began long before the return to civilian rule in 1999. He was first elected into the Federal House of Representatives in 1992 under the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), during the short-lived Third Republic. Representing the Madobi Federal Constituency, he quickly rose to prominence and was elected Deputy Speaker of the House—a rare feat for a first-time legislator and a reflection of his charisma, competence, and political acumen even at a young age. Though the republic was cut short by the military, Kwankwaso’s early emergence laid the foundation for what would become a long, impactful political career spanning over three decades.
Kwankwaso vs. Ganduje: A Tale of Unequal Titans
The recent ouster of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje as APC National Chairman has stripped the ruling party of a man who was less a unifying figure and more a lightning rod for controversy. In truth, Ganduje’s political shadow was always smaller than his ambition. Since 2015, when he inherited Kano’s leadership from his former mentor, Ganduje spent more time fighting ghosts than building legacy.
In both the 2019 and 2023 elections, Ganduje’s electoral strength was tested—and found wanting. In 2019, he scraped through a victory marred by violence and a controversial rerun. By 2023, he had lost the state completely to Kwankwaso’s New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). It was a stunning reversal. The man he had once served as deputy and later sought to diminish had not only returned, but reclaimed Kano’s soul.
This contrast cannot be overstated. Where Ganduje represented self-preservation, Kwankwaso represents a movement. Where Ganduje lacked charisma and moral clarity, Kwankwaso commanded loyalty through ideas, sacrifice, and an unbroken connection to the grassroots.
The red cap of Kwankwasiyya is not just cloth; it is a statement of ideology, a badge of discipline, and a symbol of service.
And now, with Ganduje’s shadow gone, the political space is slowly being recalibrated. Even among top APC power brokers, quiet conversations are beginning to emerge—conversations that whisper one name, not in opposition, but in strategic admiration: Kwankwaso.
A Northern Giant in the National Equation
Since 1999, no political personality in Northern Nigeria has maintained relevance, respect, and regional command like Kwankwaso. From the days of the Fourth Republic, where he served as Governor under the PDP, to his time as Minister of Defence and later as a senator, Kwankwaso has always been a force unto himself—untamed, unbought, and unbowed.
When he returned to the PDP in 2018, he was met not with a red carpet but with resistance. The fight over the Northwest Zonal Chairmanship—particularly the betrayal by Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo and Governor Aminu Tambuwal—was a painful reminder that in Nigerian politics, past glory is no shield from present conspiracies.
Yet from those ashes, Kwankwaso rose again—this time on his own terms. The NNPP, a party once dismissed as fringe, became his new political cathedral. And in 2023, it delivered a seismic political upset, reclaiming Kano and sending shockwaves through the APC and PDP alike.
Tinubu and Kwankwaso: Twin Architects of Modern Nigerian Politics
There is a poetic symmetry between Tinubu and Kwankwaso, though they emerged from different regions. Both are engineers—Tinubu, a political one; Kwankwaso, a literal one. Both began their political ascent in 1999. Both shaped their regions with a mix of discipline, policy, and populist appeal. Both have been godfathers and gladiators, builders and reformers, thinkers and fighters.
In the South-West, Tinubu built Lagos into a political stronghold, produced governors, and designed strategies that eventually toppled a 16-year-old PDP rule. In the North, Kwankwaso built a grassroots machine so formidable that no governor after him has been able to ignore it—not even his archrival Ganduje, whose administration was haunted by Kwankwaso’s legacy.
In a country still divided by ethnic fault lines and regional calculations, these two men represent the possibility of a fusion: one that cuts across the Niger, speaks to the heart of the average Nigerian, and brings political pragmatism back into fashion.
There is a growing feeling among some political elders that it may be time these two architects sit on the same drawing board. For those close to the corridors of power, making this happen will be no small task—but then again, game-changing alliances never come cheap.
Why Kwankwaso Is Tinubu’s Best Bet for 2027
As 2027 approaches, Tinubu’s path to re-election will not be paved with incumbency alone. He will need:
– A revived North-West,
– A pacified North-Central,
– And a North-East that feels seen and heard.
In this matrix, Kwankwaso is the bridge—the man who can bring youth, clerics, civil servants, and market women to the same political altar.
He has unrivaled grassroots loyalty, a message that resonates with the poor, and an image unmarred by corruption scandals. His political scars are from battles fought—not deals made. He is respected even by his enemies.
Moreover, the presence of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, a protégé whose leadership in Kano has been widely praised for its focus on education, healthcare, and accountability, provides further moral weight to Kwankwaso’s image. This isn’t a godfather lording over a puppet—it’s a mentor standing beside a capable successor.
Convincing Kwankwaso to align will not be easy. It will demand humility from those who once opposed him, and boldness from those who truly seek to renew the party’s northern fortunes. Yet, this is the kind of herculean task that separates transactional politics from visionary strategy.
The Coalition Mirage vs. APC Reality
Some have urged Kwankwaso to pursue a new coalition of smaller parties to mount an alternative challenge in 2027. But Nigeria’s electoral mathematics makes that route perilous. Fragmented structures, uneven financing, and conflicting egos have always doomed such efforts.
By contrast, a well-negotiated return to the APC—now rid of Ganduje’s hostility—offers Kwankwaso a platform with:
– National presence,
– Executive access,
– And a chance to shape policy from within.
But more importantly, it would allow him to broker a new northern alliance within the party—one that reflects competence, not cronies.
And Tinubu, ever the strategist, knows the value of strong allies over loyal placeholders. He doesn’t need praise-singers. He needs doers. In Kwankwaso, he will find not just a partner but a peer.
A New Political Sunrise
Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The disillusionment of the electorate is deep. Hunger is rising, hope is thinning. What the country needs is not just a leader, but a renewal of trust in leadership.
Kwankwaso represents that possibility for the North—just as Tinubu once did for the South-West. Together, they can reshape the national discourse, refocus the agenda on development, youth empowerment, and infrastructure, and return Nigerian politics to a place of purpose, not just performance.
Final Words: The Red Cap and the Lion
In the imagery of politics, Kwankwaso’s red cap and Tinubu’s lion emblem are more than symbols. They are signals of identity, strength, and resilience. Together, they could represent a political renaissance.
The North, tired of transactional politics and hollow leadership, is again looking for a voice. And in this moment, there is none louder, clearer, or more credible than that of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
In the theatre of destiny, moments arise that demand bold choices, unlikely alliances, and visionary partnerships. The path to 2027 is not lit by certainty, but by courage. For President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there can be no greater show of foresight than extending his hand—not to flatterers, but to fellow builders. And for Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the time is ripe not just to return—but to rise.
Let the red cap meet the lion. Let North and South speak in one voice. Let the cynics scoff, but let the patriots act. For in the fusion of legacy and legitimacy, of structure and service, of purpose and power—Nigeria may yet witness a new dawn.
The crowd is watching. The moment is calling. And history, ever impatient, is ready to be written again. Whispers have already begun. Some knocks may soon reach his door. The question is not whether he’s needed—but whether he will answer.
Let the winds of 2027 begin to blow. Let history take its course. And let two of Nigeria’s most enduring architects of democracy forge a path not just to power—but to progress.
Lamara Garba Azare, a political analyst, writes from Kano.
By Adamu S Ladan
In a recent thought-provoking piece, a Professor from the Southeast, Benard Ifeanyi Odoh painted a compelling picture of the widening economic gulf between Nigeria’s Southeast and Southwest.
He rightly argued that the Southwest has harnessed structured education, global exposure, and strategic investments to emerge as an economic powerhouse, while the Southeast, though industrious, risks economic stagnation due to over-reliance on trade and remittances.
But perhaps the most sobering implication of Odoh’s argument lies not in the regional comparison he drew—but in what it says about Northern Nigeria, which stands even further behind in the country’s economic race.
Northern Nigeria, by all measures, should be an economic force. It is blessed with the largest landmass, vast agricultural potential, a youthful population, and a deep-rooted culture of enterprise. Its cities once bustled with trade, its farms fed the nation, and its influence extended beyond Nigeria’s borders. But today, that legacy is in tatters.
The region leads the country not in innovation or investment, but in poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, and insecurity. These conditions are no longer abstract statistics—they are the lived reality of millions. While Lagos churns out tech unicorns and the Southeast thrives in commerce, much of the North struggles to sustain basic education, access healthcare, or protect its own farmers.
Perhaps one asked, what went wrong? Some blame external forces—colonial neglect, national policy biases, or international conspiracies. But these explanations, while not entirely unfounded, ignore a more painful truth: the North was failed from within.
The post-independence elite, handed a rich inheritance by visionary leaders like Sir Ahmadu Bello. But the generations that followed them betrayed this legacy by failing to protect or build upon it.
Thus, public service gave way to patronage. Education took a backseat to political expediency. And generations of young Northerners were left behind—poor, unskilled, and angry. Today, many are recruited into banditry and extremism not out of ideology but desperation.
Therefore, Professor Odoh’s critique of the Southeast as a region rich in talent but trapped in outdated economic models is hauntingly more relevant to the North. If the Southeast risks becoming irrelevant in a digital global economy, then the North risks becoming economically obsolete and socially unstable. And while the Southeast still thrives on trade, diaspora links, and cultural exports, the North is rapidly losing even its traditional economic base.
Then, one may asked what should we do? Reclaiming the North’s future as a way forward, will require more than political promises or cosmetic interventions. It demands a Marshall Plan for the North—bold, strategic, and uncompromising. And this is a task that the two regional development authorities (Northeast and Northwest Development Commissions) must undertake.
To drive this transformation focus must be made on five urgent pillars:
• Education Revolution – Mass, inclusive and quality education. No nation thrives with half its population uneducated.
• Security and Stability – Without peace, development is impossible. Community-based security and rehabilitation of displaced people must be prioritized.
• Agro-Industrial Development – The North must not just farm; it must process, brand, and export.
• Tech and Innovation Hubs – Cities like Kaduna, Kano, and Jos should become digital job centers, attracting venture capital and building startups.
• Leadership by Merit – The region must prioritize competent, visionary leadership—leaders who invest in people, not power.
On a final note one may respond to Professor Odoh submission that, if the Southeast is at a crossroads, Northern Nigeria stands at a precipice. The choice is however ours if we like we can continue on the region’s current path—dependent, destabilized, and disillusioned—or we strive to rise.
Nonetheless, the region still holds immense promise, but it must be earned through deliberate effort and transformative governance.
As Professor Odoh noted, “Those who control the future do not wait for it—they build it.” The North must now choose to build. Not tomorrow. Now.
May Almighty Allah be with us.
Adamu S Ladan is a veteran journalist, this was first published on his Facebook account.
By Imam Murtadha Gusau
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful
All perfect praise be to Allah the Lord of the Worlds. May His peace and blessings be upon our beloved Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) and upon all his family and companions. To proceed:
Dear brothers and sisters! Eid al-Adha or the Feast of Sacrifice is the second and the largest of the two main holidays celebrated in Islam, the other being Eid al-Fitr. This significant occasion honours the willingness of Prophet Ibrahim to sacrifice one of his sons, either Isma’il or Ishaq, as an act of obedience to Allah’s command. It is a time of deep spiritual reflection, communal prayers, and acts of charity. Eid al-Adha holds immense cultural and religious significance for Muslims around the world.
According to Islamic tradition, the story of Eid al-Adha dates back to the life of Prophet Ibrahim. One of the main trials of Prophet Ibrahim’s life was to receive and obey the command of Allah to slaughter his beloved son. Prophet Ibrahim had recurring dreams where he saw himself sacrificing his son Isma’il, and he recognised this as a divine command. He shared his dream with his son, who obediently responded:
“Father, do what you are ordered to do.”
Prophet Ibrahim prepared to fulfill Allah’s will and sacrifice his son as an act of unwavering faith and obedience. However, just as Prophet Ibrahim was about to carry out the sacrifice, Allah intervened and replaced Isma’il with a ram. This divine intervention demonstrated Allah’s mercy and provision, acknowledging Ibrahim’s commitment and sparing his son’s life. Muslims commemorate this event during Eid al-Adha by sacrificing animals and distributing the meat among their families, the needy, and the less fortunate.
Eid al-Adha follows the Islamic lunar calendar and falls on the tenth day of Dhul-Hijjah, the twelfth and final month of the Islamic year. The celebration lasts for four days and involves various religious and social customs. Families gather for communal prayers at Mosques, where they seek blessings, forgiveness, and spiritual rejuvenation. These prayers are led by an Imam, Shaykh or Malam and emphasise the importance of unity, compassion, and gratitude.
An essential aspect of Eid al-Adha is the act of Udhiyyah, which refers to the ritual sacrifice of an animal, often a goat, sheep, cow, or camel. The sacrifice symbolises Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son and his ultimate submission to Allah’s command. Muslims who can afford it perform Udhiyyah, and the meat is divided into three parts: one for the family, one for relatives and friends, and one for the less fortunate.
Apart from religious practices, Eid al-Adha is a time of joyous celebrations and vibrant festivities. Families come together to share meals, exchange gifts, and engage in acts of charity. It is a time to strengthen bonds, reconcile differences, and extend goodwill to all. Many Muslims also use this occasion to embark on journeys of pilgrimage to the noble city of Makkah, fulfilling one of the Five Pillars of Islam known as Hajj.
Eid al-Adha is celebrated by Muslims across the globe, transcending geographical boundaries and cultural diversity. While the core rituals remain the same, the festivities showcase the unique traditions and customs of each region. In countries with significant Muslim populations, such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Nigeria, etc, the celebrations are particularly grand and elaborate.
The atmosphere during Eid al-Adha is filled with joy and a sense of community. Streets are adorned with colourful decorations, and markets bustle with shoppers purchasing new clothes, sweets, and gifts. Traditional dishes and delicacies are prepared, and families open their homes to welcome guests and share meals. The exchange of greetings and well wishes is a common practice, spreading love and harmony among individuals.
The pronunciation of Eid al-Adha may vary based on regional accents and languages. It is also commonly pronounced as Eid al-Azha and Eidul Azha, especially in regions influenced by the Persian language like the Indian subcontinent. The Arabic pronunciation is Eid Al-Adha.
The term “Eid” itself is derived from the Arabic word عيد (ʿid), which signifies a festival, celebration, feast day, or holiday. The term has its roots in the triliteral root عيد, which carries meanings of “to go back, to rescind, to accrue, to be accustomed, habits, to repeat, to be experienced; appointed time or place, anniversary, feast day.” The holiday is known as عيد الأضحى (Eid al-Adha) or العيد الكبير (Eid al-Kabir) in Arabic, with the words أضحى (adha) and قربان (qurban) being synonymous in meaning, representing sacrifice, offering, or oblation.
Eid al-Adha is a significant Islamic festival that commemorates the devotion and obedience of Prophet Ibrahim to Allah’s command. It serves as a reminder of the importance of faith, sacrifice, and compassion in the lives of Muslims. The observance of Eid al-Adha involves prayers, acts of charity, and the sharing of joyous moments with family, friends, and the less fortunate.
During this festive season, Muslims express their gratitude for the blessings received and recommit themselves to the principles of unity, generosity, and love. The timeless story of Prophet Ibrahim and his son serves as an enduring symbol of faith, resilience, and the boundless mercy of Allah. As Muslims gather to celebrate Eid al-Adha, they embrace the values of sacrifice and selflessness, fostering a sense of harmony and goodwill within their communities.
Respected brothers and sisters! There are always questions whenever Eid occurs on a Friday, and I would like to clarify whether it is obligatory to pray both Eid Prayer in the morning and Jumu’ah in the afternoon.
First of all, we should remember that both occasions are among the most important Islamic symbols. Attending both prayers and congregations are very virtuous. The mindset of the person should be to be eager to attend both prayers, as this is part of glorifying the symbols of Allah. Allah Almighty says:
“And whoever honours the symbols of Allah – indeed, it is from the piety of hearts.” [Qur’an, 22:32]
That is why most of the scholars including Hanafiyyah and Malikiyyah consider attending both of them as obligatory.
The Shafi’iyyah school of thought gave an excuse only for those who live away from the city where the Jumu’ah is established, not to attend the Jumu’ah once they have attended the Eid Prayer. The reason is due to the difficulty they are likely to encounter in coming back to attend the Jumu’ah Prayer.
These scholars say that attending Jumu’ah is obligatory (wajib) by consensus, as Allah Almighty says:
“O you who have believed, when [the Azan] is called for the prayer on the day of Jumu’ah [Friday], then proceed to the remembrance of Allah and leave trade. That is better for you, if you only knew.” [Qur’an, 62:9]
The scholars have said that lifting this confirmed obligation needs further evidence of the same level and most of the evidences that are presented are not strong enough to waiver this obligation.
Furthermore, al-Nu’man Ibn Bashir narrated that:
“The Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him) used to recite: ‘Glorify the Name of your Lord, the Most High’ and ‘Has there come to you the narration of The Overwhelming?’, on Friday and on Eid, and when Friday and Eid converged, he would recite them both.” [Muslim]
This incident also happened during the time of Uthman Ibn Affan, as it is reported in the Sahihul Bukhari and the Muwatta of Malik that Abu Ubaid, the freed slave of Ibn Azhar, said:
“I was present on the occasion of two Eids (together) with Uthman Ibn Affan; that was on a Friday. He offered the (Eid) prayer before the sermon (khutbah), then delivered the sermon (khutbah) and said, ‘O people, on this day two Eids have come to you together, so whoever wants to wait for Jumu‘ah with the people of al-Awali, let him do so, and whoever wants to go back, then I gave him permission to do so.’”
However, the official opinion of the Hanbaliyyah school of thought is that attending one of the two prayers is sufficient.
They support their view with numerous evidences such as:
1. The Hadith of Zaid Ibn Arqam (RA), according to which Mu‘awiyah Ibn Abi Sufyan (RA) asked him:
“Did you ever witness with the Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him) two Eids that happened on the same day?” He said, “Yes.” Mu‘awiyah Ibn Abi Sufyan asked, “What did he do?” Zaid Ibn Arqam replied, “He (Peace be upon him) offered the Eid prayer, then he granted a concession allowing people to miss Jumu‘ah prayer, and he said: ‘Whoever wishes to pray (Jumu‘ah), let him do so.’” [It is narrated by Ahmad, Abu Dawud, al-Nasa’i, Ibn Majah, al-Darimi, and by al-Hakim in al-Mustadrak, where he said, “This Hadith has Sahih isnads, even though they [Bukhari and Muslim] did not narrate it, and it has a corroborating report according to the conditions of Muslim. And al-Dhahabi agreed with him.”
Imam al-Nawawi said in his book al-Majmu‘, “Its isnad is jayyid.”
2. The corroborating evidence mentioned above is the Hadith of Abu Hurairah (RA), according to which the Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him) said:
“Two Eids have come together on this day of yours, so whoever wishes, it [the Eid prayer] will suffice for Jumu‘ah, but we will pray Jumu‘ah.” [Narrated by al-Hakim as stated above; also narrated by Abu Dawud, Ibn Majah, Ibn al-Jarud, al-Baihaqi and others]
3. The Hadith of Ibn Umar (RA) who said:
“Two Eids came together at the time of the Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him). He led the people in (the Eid) prayer, then he said, ‘Whoever wishes to come to Jumu‘ah may come, and whoever wishes not to do so may stay away.’” [Narrated by Ibn Majah]
It was also narrated by al-Tabarani in al-Mu‘jam al-Kabir as follows:
“Two Eids came together at the time of the Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him): Eid al-Fitr and Jumu‘ah. The Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him) led them in the Eid prayer, then he turned to face them and said, ‘O people, you have attained goodness and reward, but we are going to pray Jumu‘ah; whoever wishes to pray Jumu‘ah may do so, and whoever wishes to go back, may go back.’”
4. The Hadith of Ibn Abbas (RA), according to which the Messenger of Allah (Peace be upon him) said:
“Two Eids have come together on this day of yours, so whoever wishes, it [the Eid prayer] will suffice for Jumu‘ah, but we will pray Jumu‘ah, In Shaa Allah.” [Narrated by Ibn Majah]
The discussion between the scholars cannot be concluded at this time and hence I advise Muslims for the following:
1. It is without a shadow of a doubt that attending both prayers is safer and far better than missing one of them.
2. Whoever has not attended the Eid prayer for whatever reason while he should have attended it is not included in that concession granted by some scholars. And hence he must attend Jumu‘ah prayer.
3. The Imam of the Jumu‘ah Mosque must hold Jumu‘ah prayers and this is confirmed even by those scholars who do not believe that it is obligatory to attend both.
4. Whoever lives at a distance from the Mosque and needs to travel a long journey to attend the Eid prayer and it is very difficult for him to stay to attend the Jumu’ah prayer may have the concession allowing him not to attend Jumu‘ah. However, he must pray it as Zuhr after the time for Zuhr begins.
5. The view that whoever attends the Eid prayer has a concession waiving both Jumu‘ah and Zuhr prayer on that day is an incorrect view. Therefore, it is rejected by the scholars and they have deemed it to be mistaken and odd, because it is contrary to the Sunnah and suggests that one of the obligatory duties enjoined by Allah, may He be glorified and exalted, is to be waived with no evidence to that effect. Perhaps the Sunnahs and reports about this issue – which grant a concession allowing the one who attended the Eid prayer not to attend Jumu‘ah, but state that he must still pray Zuhr – did not reach the one who said that.
I ask Allah by His beautiful Names and lofty Attributes that He bring Eid upon us once again and that our condition in that time be better than our condition in the previous instance, and that He accept our deeds from us and from all the Muslims.
So, as we honour the traditions and teachings of Eid al-Adha, let us reflect upon the virtues it embodies and strive to emulate them in our daily lives. May this auspicious occasion bring peace, unity, progress, joy, happiness, and blessings to all those who observe it. Ameen.
Dear brothers and sisters! Today we have only a day to Eid-ul-Adha. Please support the orphans with your sadaqah, help them with your donations and assist them with your Zakat so that they celebrate Eid-ul-Adha happily.
For those respected brothers and sisters who want to donate to orphans, to Islamic projects and activities FISABILILLAH, those who want to send their Sadaqah and Zakat, here are the bank account details:
1. Account number: 0048647196.
– Account name: Murtala Muhammed.
– GTBank
Or:
2. Account number: 1779691620
– Account name: Murtala Muhammed.
– Access Bank.
Allah Almighty says:
“Verily, Allah will help those who help His cause. Truly, Allah is All-Strong, All-Mighty.” [Qur’an]
Jazakumullah Khairan as you kindly assit, help, donate and contribute to the cause of Allah, the cause of Islam.
May Allah Almighty accept your sacrifices, amplify your intentions, and bless you, your families with peace and barakah.
All praise is due to Allah, the Lord of the worlds. Prayers, peace and mercy are upon our beloved master, Muhammad, the son of Abdullah (Peace be upon him), his family and Companions.
Murtadha Muhammad Gusau is the Chief Imam of Nagazi-Uvete Jumu’ah and the late Alhaji Abdur-Rahman Okene’s Mosques, Okene, Kogi State, Nigeria. He can be reached via: gusauimam@gmail.com or +2348038289761.
This Jumu’ah Khutbah (Friday sermon) was prepared for delivery today, Friday, Dhul-Hijjah 10, 1446 AH (June 06, 2025).
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