Opinion
Hausa Names as Ethnographic Identifiers
Abdallah Uba Adamu
It happened 40 years ago. A friend’s wife in Kano had delivered a bouncing baby boy. My friend chose Maikuɗi as the name for the baby. The families on both sides were having none of this. Maikuɗi was not a name, they argued. But he saw nothing wrong with it – a nice traditional Hausa name. He was adamant. They were adamant. Cue in A Mexican Standoff.
Three days to the naming ceremony, he blinked first, and apparently gave up. With a glint in his eyes, he decided to name the child Ibrahim. A beautiful Hebrew name but cognately shared by both Muslims and Christians (from Abraham, the father of all). Everyone was happy – until it dawned on everyone that Ibrahim was the name of my friend’s father-in-law. Tricky. In Hausa societies, names of parents are never uttered. In the end, everyone ended up calling the boy Maikuɗi! Right now, the boy is a successful international businessman living in the Middle East. Earning serious cash, and living up to his name – which means one born on a lucky day. Or Tuesday.
A few years later, the same friend’s wife gave birth a beautiful baby girl. He decided to name her Tabawa. Objections reloaded. Cue in Dog Day Afternoon. As previously, my friend blinked first. He decided to name her Hajara, another cognate of Hagar, the wife of Abraham. It also happened to be the name of his eldest sister. His mother could not utter it – both the Hausa and Fulani system of cultural relations prohibit mothers from calling the names of their first series of children. In the end, everyone ended up calling the child Tabawa. She is currently a university lecturer and a doctoral student in Nigeria. Living up to her name – which means Mother luck, or the name given to one born on Wednesday (in Kano; in Katsina, it is Tuesday) considered a lucky day. Two children, both lucky in their lives. Their traditional Hausa names became their mascots as they glided successfully through life.
So, why the aversion to Hausa ‘traditional’ names? You can’t name your child Maikuɗi, but everyone will applaud Yasar (wealthy – mai kuɗi?). Or Kamal (perfection). Or Fahad (panther). Or Anwar (bright). Or Fawaz (winner). You can’t name your daughter Tabawa, but it is more acceptable to call her Mahjuba (covered). Or Samira (night conversationist –TikToker?). Name your daughter ‘Dare’, and you are in trouble. Change it to Leila, and you out of it, even though this is an Arabic for ‘dare’ (night).
A lot of the names the Muslim Hausa currently use have nothing to do with Islam. Bearers of such names rarely know their actual meaning or context. They were Arabic, and forced on us by the Cancel Culture that attaches a derogatory ‘Haɓe’ coefficient to anything traditional to the Hausa.
Therefore, I, my friend whose family story I just related and another, decided to get together and be Wokish about traditional Hausa names. Paradoxically, none of us is genetically Hausa (whatever that might mean) – one had roots in north Africa, another had Kanuri heritage, and one had Agadesian and Torodbe roots – but all of us self-identified, with absolute honor and tenacity, as Hausa. None of this ‘Hausa-Fulani’ aberrational nonsense. ‘Hausa-Fulani’ appellation, in my view, is a Nigerian Cancel Culture device to suppress the Fulani culture. The Fulani may have conquered the ruling of the Hausa (except one or two places) and imposed their rule. The Hausa, on the other hand, have linguistically conquered the Fulani. In Kano it is considered anthropological purity to claim Fulani heritage – without knowing a single word of Fulfulde (the Fulani language). Substituting rulers, does not get rid of the general populace who remained what they are.
The third friend then took the task with gusto. He spent over ten years compiling authentic traditional Hausa names that have absolutely nothing to do with ‘Maguzanci’ (the label gleefully and contemptuously attached to any Hausa who is not a Muslim by the Hausa themselves) before Islam in about 1349, at least in Kano). He also collected names that had only a tinge connection to Islam. The end product was a hitherto unpublished list of 1001 authentic, genuine, traditional Hausa names that reflect the cosmology of the Hausa.
Hausa anthropological cosmology reflects the world view and belief system of the Hausa community. based upon their understanding of order in the universe. It is reflected in their naming system – just like any other culture. The Yoruba Muslims, for the most part have retained this attachment to their traditional cosmology. Farooq Kperogi has done a wonderful work on Yoruba naming, although with focus on their adaptation of Muslim names. The failure of the Hausa to do so was, of course, due to the suffocating blanket of Cancel Culture that the Hausa have been suffering for almost 229 years.
Now, let’s look at the names and their categories. The first category I created from the 1001 Names which I edited revolved around Being, Sickness and Death. As noted earlier, the traditional Hausa center their naming conventions on ecological and cosmological observations—using time, space and seasons to mark their births. Based on this, the first naming convention uses circumstances of birth. This category of names is used to refer to the arrival of a child either after another child’s death, death of a parent, sickness of the child immediately after being born or simple structure of the child that seems out of the ordinary. Examples include:
Abarshi. This is derived from the expression, ‘Allah Ya barshi’[May Allah make him survive]. A male child born after series of miscarriages. A female child is named Abarta. A protectionist naming strategy where the child is not given full loving attention after birth until even evil spirits note this and ignore, and thus let him be. Variants include Mantau, Ajefas, Barmani, Ajuji, Barau. Now you know the meaning of Hajiya Sa’adatu ‘Barmani’ Choge’s name – the late famous Hausa griotte from Katsina (1948-2013).
Then there is Shekarau, derived from ‘shekara’, a year. A male child born after an unusually longer period of gestation in mother’s womb. A variant of this name is Ɓoyi [hide/hidden]. A female child is named Shekara. Now you know the meaning of the surname of Distinguished Senator, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from Kano.
A third example is Tanko. This is a child born after three female children. Variants include Gudaji, Tankari, Yuguda/Iguda/Guda. I am sure you know the famous Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, Member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria and his media presence in late 2022.
Each of these sampled names reflect a philosophical worldview, reflecting spiritual resignation or slight humor. They therefore encode the traditional Hausa perspective of living and dying as inscribed on the way they name their children.
Names that even the contemporary Hausa avoid because of bad collective memory are those linked to wealth and being owned, or slavery.
Slaves have prominently featured in political and social structure of the traditional Hausa societies, especially in the old commercial emirates of Kano, Zaria, Daura and Katsina. Their roles are clearly defined along socially accepted norms and they are expected to perform given assignments demanded by their masters.
Slaves in Kano are divided into two: domestic and farm-collective. Trusted, and therefore domesticated slaves are mainly found in ruling houses, and are prized because of their loyalty to the title-holder. Farmyard slaves were often captured during raids or wars and are not trusted because of the possibility of escape. They were usually owned by wealthy merchants or farmers and are put to work in mainly farms
Although the institution of slavery as then practiced has been eliminated in traditional Hausa societies, the main emirate ruling houses still retain vestiges of inherited slave ownership, reflected even in the categorization of the slaves. For instance, in Kano royal slaves were distinguished between first-generation slaves (bayi) and those born into slavery (cucanawa).
At the height of slave raids and ownership particularly when owning a slave was an indication of wealth, the names of the slaves often reflect the status of the owner. Examples of these names include: Nasamu (given to first slave owned by a young man determined to become a wealthy man), Arziki (first female slave owned by a man), Nagode (female slave given away to a person as a gift), Baba da Rai (first gift of a male slave to a son by his father), Dangana (male slave of a latter-day successful farmer or trader, although later given also to a child whose elder siblings all died in infancy. The female slave variant is Nadogara), and Baubawa (slaves with different faith from the owner), amongst others.
The changing political economy of Hausa societies since the coming of colonialism has created new social dynamics which included outward banning of slavery. Thus, many of the names associated with slaves and ‘being-owned’ in traditional Hausa societies became disused, unfashionable, or which is more probable, to be used without any idea of their original meaning, it is thought that some record of them may be of value. An example is ‘Anini’, usually a slave name, but later used to refer to a child born with tiny limbs. The ‘smallness’ is also reflected in the fact that ‘anini’ was a coin in Nigerian economy, usually 1/10th of a penny—a bit like the small Indian copper coin, ‘dam’ (from which the English language got ‘damn’, as in ‘I don’t give a damn’).
Further, with the coming of Islam, slave names were eased out and replaced by conventional Muslim names as dictated by Islam, Retained, however, are slave names that also served as descriptors of the functions of the slave, even in contemporary ruling houses. Examples of these slave titles which are rarely used outside of the places include:
Shamaki (looks after the king’s horses and serves as an overseer of the slaves), Ɗan Rimi (King’s top slave official and looks after all weapons), Sallama (King’s bosom friend [usually a eunuch], same role as Abin Faɗa), Kasheka shares the household supplies to king’s wives [usually a eunuch], Babban Zagi (a runner in front of the king), Jarmai (the head of an army), Kilishi (prepares sitting place for the king), amongst others. These names are almost exclusively restricted to the palace and rarely used outside its confines. Cases of nicknames of individuals bearing these names remain just that, but had no official connotation outside of the palace.
The coming of Islam to Hausaland in about 13th century altered the way traditional Hausa name their children and created the second category of Hausa beside the first ‘traditional’ ones. This second category became the Muslim Hausa who abandoned all cultural activities associated with the traditional Hausa beliefs. This was not an overnight process, however, taking it as it does, centuries. Even then, a significant portion of Muslim Hausa material culture remains the same as for traditional Hausa. The point of departure is in religious or community practices which for the Muslim Hausa, are guided by tenets of Islam. Affected in this point of departure is naming conventions. This is more so because Islam encourages adherents to give their children good meaningful names. These names must therefore not reflect anything that counters the fundamental faith of the bearer or reflect a revert to a pre-Islamic period in the lives of the individuals.
However, while predominantly accepting Muslim names, traditional Hausa parents have domesticated some of the names to the contours of their language. For instance, Guruza (Ahmad), Da’u (Dawud), Gagare (Abubakar) Auwa (Hauwa), Daso (Maryam), Babuga (Umar), Ilu (Isma’il), amongst others.
So, here you are. If you are looking for an authentic, ‘clean’ traditional Hausa name, or trying to understand your friend’s traditional Hausa name (or even yours) you are welcome to 1001 Traditional Hausa names.
The list divided into two. The first contains 869 authentic traditional Hausa names. The second contains 132 Arabic/Islamic that the Hausa have somehow domesticated to their linguistic anthropology.
The file is available at https://bit.ly/42HJl97.
Adamu, is a Professor of media and cultural studies, Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
Opinion
State Police in Nigeria: Understanding the true position of the proposed constitutional framework
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.)
The renewed national debate on state policing has sparked intense discussions. Supporters see it as a solution to Nigeria’s worsening security challenges. Critics, however, fear political abuse and threats to national unity. Given these differing views, it is important to understand the true constitutional position of the current proposals before the National Assembly.
An examination of the *Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Sixth Alteration) Bill, 2026 (SB. 1055)*, along with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) analysis of the earlier House Bill (HB. 617), shows that the proposed framework is neither a full transfer of policing powers to the states nor a continuation of the current centralized system. Instead, it introduces a cooperative federal policing model.
This model balances state autonomy with national standards and constitutional safeguards.
The first key point is that the Federal Police will not be abolished. The proposal creates a Federal Police Service while allowing State Police Services to operate alongside it. The Federal Police will continue to handle federal responsibilities, including counter-terrorism, cybercrime investigations, border security, organized crime, inter-state offences, and the protection of federal institutions and assets.
It is also important to note that state policing is not compulsory. States that lack the financial or institutional capacity to establish their own police services can continue to rely entirely on the Federal Police Service. In simple terms, the amendment gives states a choice, not an obligation, to establish their own police organizations.
The proposed framework sets strict conditions before a State Police Service can begin operations. A state must pass its own enabling law, establish the required institutions, and obtain certification confirming that it meets nationally defined minimum standards.
These standards will cover recruitment, training, vetting, discipline, firearms management, the use of force, accountability systems, and criminal information management.
One of the most debated issues is the possibility of federal interference in state policing. The Senate Bill addresses this concern by limiting federal intervention to exceptional situations. Such intervention may occur where there is an actual or imminent breakdown of public order. It may also occur if a governor requests assistance, if a State Police Service becomes unable to function, if there is evidence of widespread violations of fundamental rights, or if threats extend beyond state borders and affect national security.
Any federal intervention must be temporary, necessary, and proportionate. It must also be subject to judicial review. The President must authorize it in writing, and notice must be given to the Governor, the State House of Assembly, the National Police Council, and the National Assembly. In addition, such intervention cannot dissolve a State Police Service or suspend democratic institutions, except as permitted under existing constitutional provisions.
The framers of the Bill have also addressed concerns about possible misuse of State Police Services by governors. The proposed safeguards expressly prohibit governors from directing State Commissioners of Police to target political opponents, political parties, associations, or groups outside the provisions of the law.
Commissioners who believe a directive is unlawful or inconsistent with national standards may seek a review through the appropriate Police Service Commission or the courts.
To strengthen institutional independence, the proposed amendments provide security of tenure for both the Inspector-General of Police and State Commissioners of Police. Their removal would require valid reasons, a fair hearing, recommendations from the National Police Council, and approval by a two-thirds majority of the relevant legislature.
These measures reflect widely accepted international standards for democratic policing.
Another important feature of the framework is the clear limitation on federal control over State Police Services. While the National Assembly will establish national minimum standards, it will not exercise routine control over appointments, promotions, transfers, suspensions, dismissals, or operational decisions within State Police Services. The only exception is during constitutionally approved interventions.
This approach preserves state autonomy while ensuring consistent professional and ethical standards nationwide.
The PLAC analysis correctly notes that the proposed model does not create a fully independent state policing system. Instead, it incorporates elements of federal oversight to address concerns relating to funding, accountability, human rights protection, and potential political misuse. The objective is to decentralize policing without weakening national unity or undermining the constitutional order.
Viewed objectively, the proposed amendment seeks to balance local responsiveness with national integrity. It aims to bring policing closer to communities while maintaining safeguards against abuse. It also protects the shared security interests of the Federation.
In essence, Nigeria is not moving toward two competing police systems. Rather, it is moving toward a cooperative federal policing arrangement. This model recognizes the need for local control of security issues while preserving constitutional mechanisms that safeguard democracy, human rights, and national unity.
The success of this initiative will depend not only on constitutional provisions but also on the strength of institutions, adherence to professionalism, and the political will to uphold the rule of law. Like any major reform in a democratic society, state policing should be judged not only by fears but also by the safeguards it contains and the practical benefits it can bring to the security and welfare of Nigerians.
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.).
By Jamilu Uba Adamu
Since 1987, June 26 has been designated by the United Nations as the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking—a day set aside to raise awareness about the dangers of drug abuse and its devastating effects on individuals and society. This year’s theme, “The World Drug Problem: Persisting Issues, New Challenges, Innovative Responses,” reminds us that while the fight against drugs continues, our strategies must evolve.
Simply put, the drug problem is still with us. New drugs continue to emerge, and we must respond with innovative solutions, including the use of sports to keep our youths engaged and productive.
Nigeria’s greatest resource is not oil; it is its youth. The energy, creativity, and determination of young people will determine whether we build a stronger nation or lose a generation. One of the most effective tools for channeling that energy positively is sports—but only when it is built on discipline.
Sports is more than playing football on weekends or sprinting on the track. It teaches valuable life lessons. When a young person wakes up at 5:00 a.m. for training, they learn punctuality. When a team loses and returns to train harder, they learn resilience. When eleven players on a pitch follow the instructions of one coach, they learn respect for authority, teamwork, and discipline.
Here in Kano, the effects of drug abuse are both painful and visible. Drug abuse is fueling fadan daba, phone snatching, and other violent crimes across our streets and communities. The truth is simple: idle hands are the devil’s workshop, while busy feet on the pitch have little time for crime or drugs.
Talent without discipline is wasted talent. Many of our youths possess enormous potential, but without discipline, that potential often turns into frustration. Discipline means:
- Self-control — saying “no” to peer pressure, drugs, and violence.
- Consistency — training even when no one is watching.
- Respect — for rules, opponents, coaches, and oneself.
A boxer who cannot control his temper outside the ring will never become a champion inside it. A footballer who skips training will never wear the national jersey. Discipline is the bridge between potential and achievement.
In our communities, we see too many young lives derailed by drugs. The equation is clear: idleness + bad company + lack of purpose = drug abuse. Sports helps break that cycle.
Let us encourage our youths to choose the pitch over the street corner and the “jungle.” Let them choose training over idleness. Let discipline be their guide in life, just as it is in sports.
To parents, schools, and government: invest in sports facilities and mentorship programmes across our 44 Local Government Areas. Every playing field we build in Kano is a prison we may never need. Every disciplined athlete we nurture is a future leader we secure.
If we get this right, Kano, with its vibrant and youthful population, will not only win trophies at national sporting events but will also reclaim its promising young people from the grip of drug abuse and crime.
Mr. Jamilu Uba Adamu is the Officer-in-Charge of Sports, NDLEA Kano Strategic Command.
He can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.
Urges electorate to remain peaceful, prayerful, and law-abiding
By Lamara Garba
The Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has declared that his political future, including the question of re-election in 2027, rests entirely in the hands of Almighty Allah, stressing that political power is neither a matter of life and death nor something that any individual can permanently give or take away.
Governor Yusuf made the remarks while addressing Kano pilgrims and Hajj officials in Makkah during a Sallah visit on Wednesday.
Speaking before hundreds of pilgrims, the Governor quoted verses from the Holy Qur’an, reminding the faithful that ultimate authority belongs to Allah alone, who grants power to whom He wills and withdraws it whenever He pleases.
According to him, while politicians and their supporters often become consumed by political calculations and permutations, true believers understand that leadership is a divine trust bestowed by Allah at His appointed time.
“Power belongs to Allah alone. He gives leadership to whom He wills and takes it away from whom He wills. No human being can stop what Allah has destined, and no one can impose what Allah has not ordained,” Governor Yusuf said.
The Governor noted that he remains completely submissive to the will of Allah regarding future political developments, including his possible re-election, insisting that his focus remains on serving the people of Kano State diligently rather than becoming distracted by political anxiety.
He stressed that elective office should never be viewed as a do-or-die affair, adding that public service is meaningful only when carried out with sincerity, the fear of God, and a commitment to the welfare of the people.
“Leadership is not a matter of life and death. What matters most is serving humanity, discharging one’s responsibilities faithfully, and leaving the rest to Allah. Whatever Allah decrees will surely come to pass,” he stated.
Governor Yusuf, however, urged Kano citizens to remain politically conscious and actively participate in the democratic process by ensuring that they possess valid voter cards ahead of future elections.
He called on those whose voter cards require renewal to do so promptly and encouraged eligible citizens who have not yet registered to take advantage of the registration exercise before it closes.
The Governor said voter registration remains a civic responsibility that enables citizens to exercise their constitutional right to choose leaders and contribute to the growth and development of society.
He also appealed to the pilgrims to continue praying for peace, unity, stability, and prosperity in Kano State and Nigeria as a whole.
Observers believe Governor Yusuf’s remarks reflect growing confidence within his administration following what many regard as remarkable achievements recorded over the past three years in education, healthcare, infrastructure development, agriculture, human capital development, and women and youth empowerment.
The Governor maintained that while political debates and speculations may continue, the final decision on who occupies positions of authority rests with Almighty Allah, whose decree cannot be altered by any human effort.
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