Opinion
Hausa Names as Ethnographic Identifiers
Abdallah Uba Adamu
It happened 40 years ago. A friend’s wife in Kano had delivered a bouncing baby boy. My friend chose Maikuɗi as the name for the baby. The families on both sides were having none of this. Maikuɗi was not a name, they argued. But he saw nothing wrong with it – a nice traditional Hausa name. He was adamant. They were adamant. Cue in A Mexican Standoff.
Three days to the naming ceremony, he blinked first, and apparently gave up. With a glint in his eyes, he decided to name the child Ibrahim. A beautiful Hebrew name but cognately shared by both Muslims and Christians (from Abraham, the father of all). Everyone was happy – until it dawned on everyone that Ibrahim was the name of my friend’s father-in-law. Tricky. In Hausa societies, names of parents are never uttered. In the end, everyone ended up calling the boy Maikuɗi! Right now, the boy is a successful international businessman living in the Middle East. Earning serious cash, and living up to his name – which means one born on a lucky day. Or Tuesday.
A few years later, the same friend’s wife gave birth a beautiful baby girl. He decided to name her Tabawa. Objections reloaded. Cue in Dog Day Afternoon. As previously, my friend blinked first. He decided to name her Hajara, another cognate of Hagar, the wife of Abraham. It also happened to be the name of his eldest sister. His mother could not utter it – both the Hausa and Fulani system of cultural relations prohibit mothers from calling the names of their first series of children. In the end, everyone ended up calling the child Tabawa. She is currently a university lecturer and a doctoral student in Nigeria. Living up to her name – which means Mother luck, or the name given to one born on Wednesday (in Kano; in Katsina, it is Tuesday) considered a lucky day. Two children, both lucky in their lives. Their traditional Hausa names became their mascots as they glided successfully through life.
So, why the aversion to Hausa ‘traditional’ names? You can’t name your child Maikuɗi, but everyone will applaud Yasar (wealthy – mai kuɗi?). Or Kamal (perfection). Or Fahad (panther). Or Anwar (bright). Or Fawaz (winner). You can’t name your daughter Tabawa, but it is more acceptable to call her Mahjuba (covered). Or Samira (night conversationist –TikToker?). Name your daughter ‘Dare’, and you are in trouble. Change it to Leila, and you out of it, even though this is an Arabic for ‘dare’ (night).
A lot of the names the Muslim Hausa currently use have nothing to do with Islam. Bearers of such names rarely know their actual meaning or context. They were Arabic, and forced on us by the Cancel Culture that attaches a derogatory ‘Haɓe’ coefficient to anything traditional to the Hausa.
Therefore, I, my friend whose family story I just related and another, decided to get together and be Wokish about traditional Hausa names. Paradoxically, none of us is genetically Hausa (whatever that might mean) – one had roots in north Africa, another had Kanuri heritage, and one had Agadesian and Torodbe roots – but all of us self-identified, with absolute honor and tenacity, as Hausa. None of this ‘Hausa-Fulani’ aberrational nonsense. ‘Hausa-Fulani’ appellation, in my view, is a Nigerian Cancel Culture device to suppress the Fulani culture. The Fulani may have conquered the ruling of the Hausa (except one or two places) and imposed their rule. The Hausa, on the other hand, have linguistically conquered the Fulani. In Kano it is considered anthropological purity to claim Fulani heritage – without knowing a single word of Fulfulde (the Fulani language). Substituting rulers, does not get rid of the general populace who remained what they are.
The third friend then took the task with gusto. He spent over ten years compiling authentic traditional Hausa names that have absolutely nothing to do with ‘Maguzanci’ (the label gleefully and contemptuously attached to any Hausa who is not a Muslim by the Hausa themselves) before Islam in about 1349, at least in Kano). He also collected names that had only a tinge connection to Islam. The end product was a hitherto unpublished list of 1001 authentic, genuine, traditional Hausa names that reflect the cosmology of the Hausa.
Hausa anthropological cosmology reflects the world view and belief system of the Hausa community. based upon their understanding of order in the universe. It is reflected in their naming system – just like any other culture. The Yoruba Muslims, for the most part have retained this attachment to their traditional cosmology. Farooq Kperogi has done a wonderful work on Yoruba naming, although with focus on their adaptation of Muslim names. The failure of the Hausa to do so was, of course, due to the suffocating blanket of Cancel Culture that the Hausa have been suffering for almost 229 years.
Now, let’s look at the names and their categories. The first category I created from the 1001 Names which I edited revolved around Being, Sickness and Death. As noted earlier, the traditional Hausa center their naming conventions on ecological and cosmological observations—using time, space and seasons to mark their births. Based on this, the first naming convention uses circumstances of birth. This category of names is used to refer to the arrival of a child either after another child’s death, death of a parent, sickness of the child immediately after being born or simple structure of the child that seems out of the ordinary. Examples include:
Abarshi. This is derived from the expression, ‘Allah Ya barshi’[May Allah make him survive]. A male child born after series of miscarriages. A female child is named Abarta. A protectionist naming strategy where the child is not given full loving attention after birth until even evil spirits note this and ignore, and thus let him be. Variants include Mantau, Ajefas, Barmani, Ajuji, Barau. Now you know the meaning of Hajiya Sa’adatu ‘Barmani’ Choge’s name – the late famous Hausa griotte from Katsina (1948-2013).
Then there is Shekarau, derived from ‘shekara’, a year. A male child born after an unusually longer period of gestation in mother’s womb. A variant of this name is Ɓoyi [hide/hidden]. A female child is named Shekara. Now you know the meaning of the surname of Distinguished Senator, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from Kano.
A third example is Tanko. This is a child born after three female children. Variants include Gudaji, Tankari, Yuguda/Iguda/Guda. I am sure you know the famous Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, Member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria and his media presence in late 2022.
Each of these sampled names reflect a philosophical worldview, reflecting spiritual resignation or slight humor. They therefore encode the traditional Hausa perspective of living and dying as inscribed on the way they name their children.
Names that even the contemporary Hausa avoid because of bad collective memory are those linked to wealth and being owned, or slavery.
Slaves have prominently featured in political and social structure of the traditional Hausa societies, especially in the old commercial emirates of Kano, Zaria, Daura and Katsina. Their roles are clearly defined along socially accepted norms and they are expected to perform given assignments demanded by their masters.
Slaves in Kano are divided into two: domestic and farm-collective. Trusted, and therefore domesticated slaves are mainly found in ruling houses, and are prized because of their loyalty to the title-holder. Farmyard slaves were often captured during raids or wars and are not trusted because of the possibility of escape. They were usually owned by wealthy merchants or farmers and are put to work in mainly farms
Although the institution of slavery as then practiced has been eliminated in traditional Hausa societies, the main emirate ruling houses still retain vestiges of inherited slave ownership, reflected even in the categorization of the slaves. For instance, in Kano royal slaves were distinguished between first-generation slaves (bayi) and those born into slavery (cucanawa).
At the height of slave raids and ownership particularly when owning a slave was an indication of wealth, the names of the slaves often reflect the status of the owner. Examples of these names include: Nasamu (given to first slave owned by a young man determined to become a wealthy man), Arziki (first female slave owned by a man), Nagode (female slave given away to a person as a gift), Baba da Rai (first gift of a male slave to a son by his father), Dangana (male slave of a latter-day successful farmer or trader, although later given also to a child whose elder siblings all died in infancy. The female slave variant is Nadogara), and Baubawa (slaves with different faith from the owner), amongst others.
The changing political economy of Hausa societies since the coming of colonialism has created new social dynamics which included outward banning of slavery. Thus, many of the names associated with slaves and ‘being-owned’ in traditional Hausa societies became disused, unfashionable, or which is more probable, to be used without any idea of their original meaning, it is thought that some record of them may be of value. An example is ‘Anini’, usually a slave name, but later used to refer to a child born with tiny limbs. The ‘smallness’ is also reflected in the fact that ‘anini’ was a coin in Nigerian economy, usually 1/10th of a penny—a bit like the small Indian copper coin, ‘dam’ (from which the English language got ‘damn’, as in ‘I don’t give a damn’).
Further, with the coming of Islam, slave names were eased out and replaced by conventional Muslim names as dictated by Islam, Retained, however, are slave names that also served as descriptors of the functions of the slave, even in contemporary ruling houses. Examples of these slave titles which are rarely used outside of the places include:
Shamaki (looks after the king’s horses and serves as an overseer of the slaves), Ɗan Rimi (King’s top slave official and looks after all weapons), Sallama (King’s bosom friend [usually a eunuch], same role as Abin Faɗa), Kasheka shares the household supplies to king’s wives [usually a eunuch], Babban Zagi (a runner in front of the king), Jarmai (the head of an army), Kilishi (prepares sitting place for the king), amongst others. These names are almost exclusively restricted to the palace and rarely used outside its confines. Cases of nicknames of individuals bearing these names remain just that, but had no official connotation outside of the palace.
The coming of Islam to Hausaland in about 13th century altered the way traditional Hausa name their children and created the second category of Hausa beside the first ‘traditional’ ones. This second category became the Muslim Hausa who abandoned all cultural activities associated with the traditional Hausa beliefs. This was not an overnight process, however, taking it as it does, centuries. Even then, a significant portion of Muslim Hausa material culture remains the same as for traditional Hausa. The point of departure is in religious or community practices which for the Muslim Hausa, are guided by tenets of Islam. Affected in this point of departure is naming conventions. This is more so because Islam encourages adherents to give their children good meaningful names. These names must therefore not reflect anything that counters the fundamental faith of the bearer or reflect a revert to a pre-Islamic period in the lives of the individuals.
However, while predominantly accepting Muslim names, traditional Hausa parents have domesticated some of the names to the contours of their language. For instance, Guruza (Ahmad), Da’u (Dawud), Gagare (Abubakar) Auwa (Hauwa), Daso (Maryam), Babuga (Umar), Ilu (Isma’il), amongst others.
So, here you are. If you are looking for an authentic, ‘clean’ traditional Hausa name, or trying to understand your friend’s traditional Hausa name (or even yours) you are welcome to 1001 Traditional Hausa names.
The list divided into two. The first contains 869 authentic traditional Hausa names. The second contains 132 Arabic/Islamic that the Hausa have somehow domesticated to their linguistic anthropology.
The file is available at https://bit.ly/42HJl97.
Adamu, is a Professor of media and cultural studies, Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
News
Kano State Politics Set for a Major Shift as Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s Influence Wanes: What’s Next for the Power Dynamics in 2027?
By Suleiman Abdullahi Gashuwa
Suleimanasuleiman476@gmail.com
As Kano populace describe their politics in Hausa language “Siyasar Kano, Sai Kano” has proven of what we are seeing today in the political landscape of the state is a replica of what might happen in the 2027 come general election.
it’s no more news that Kano State, a key political centre in Nigeria, has been significantly influenced by two to three persons i.e. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, and former governor and now APC national Chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Their longstanding dominance is now facing challenges, suggesting a potential shift in the political landscape by 2027.
Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s adversary as its stands has left Kano states political atmosphere in a tensed and uncertainty of the state future, which many are of the opinion it’s time to either they address their grievances or what is happening in the state will lead to the emergence of fresh Dark Horses to change the narratives.
Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s strained relationship has led to factionalism, and is now weakening their influence and opening doors for new political figures, and led to the agitation for the emergence of new younger and fresher politicians through social media and grassroots efforts, challenging the Kwankwaso, Shekarau and Ganduje’s dominance that lead Kano to the state it founds itself in at present, with fresh ideas.
Economic challenges and corruption have led to voter fatigue, increasing demands for accountability and effective governance.
The recent Dan Bello’s revelations of various degree of corruption involving the former Kano state local government commissioner Murtala Sule Garo and Ganduje’s wife Hafsat Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Kwankwaso’s Nephew Garba Kwankwaso has nature and increase the need for change of the narratives in Kano politics.
Thuggery and increase in number youth going into drug abuse, has left many calling for the emergence of fresh and dark horses who will reform Kano, and revive morality and curb the menace thuggery has caused for decades in the state.
As the 2027 elections approach, the political dynamics in Kano are expected to evolve, especially the crisis likely to be faced by the top three political parties in the state.
Despite been the main opposition party in Kano,, the APC has its internal crisis, which will later expose itself, and might consume the party, and make it lose its influence in upcoming elections.
Having strong Figures growing their Ambitions as governors come 2027, the race is expected to be tough, with Ganduje likely to be at the centre wanting to influence the parties flag bearer, which posed a great treat to the party.
Kano North Powerful Horses:
Kano north might likely be the nerve centre of crisis for the APC in Kano state with powerful politicians likely to contest for the 2027 gubernatorial election.
As various powerful figures within the party assert their ambitions, Ganduje’s ability to maintain control may diminish. The conflicts and rivalries can erode his support base, as loyalty might shift towards emerging leaders who promise change or new opportunities.
The internal crisis within the APC could significantly weaken Abdullahi Ganduje’s longstanding influence in Kano politics because of the tactics implored by Barau Jibrin, Murtal Sule Garo, Abdulahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo.
For instance Barau Jibrin (Maliya), who is Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, has been fostering his political ambitions since 2023. Till then his influence and aspirations may lead to friction within the party, especially if his goals conflict with those of other prominent figures.
The growing power and ambitions of figures like Barau Jibrin may overshadow Ganduje’s influence, leading to a decline in his ability to dictate party dynamics and candidate selection.
Barau Jibrin’s role at the national level provides him with broader political connections and influence, which can be leveraged to gain support within the party, especially with Ganduje out as the APC National Chairman. Though the duos are currently on the same page and interest but only time will tell.
Barau’s potential to appeal to younger and disillusioned voters through fresh perspectives and policies aligns with the current demand for change in Kano. Age has been on his side, and carrying youth along he has a chance of Becoming the dark horse.
But has a great challenge of his long term rival Murtala Sule Garo from the same Kabo Local government, the fight will be very tough for Barau. Because Murtala has been among the three persons funding the APC at state level. He has also empowered many individuals from different category which made him a deciding factor in the coming race.
There are high tendencies that if Barau emerges the gubernatorial candidate for APC, Garo may be forced to leave the APC, because no matter what, with Barau as Governor, no senator will come out from same local government from Kano north, and that leaves him with no various options.
If Murtala Garo’s candidacy, could either split the vote or force strategic alliances, even though speculations has it that he might potentially defecting to the PDP due to his familial ties with Atiku Abubakar, a issues which stirred interest in Kano’s political scene.
If these rumours were to materialize, Garo’s move could have significant implications for both the NNPP and the APC, and more impact to Barau Jibrin.
For the PDP, Garo’s defection could serve as a much-needed boost, potentially reinvigorating the party’s presence in Kano. His influence and connections could attract disillusioned voters from the APC and even some from the NNPP, enhancing the PDP’s status as a credible opposition.
His relationship with Atiku could also facilitate strategic alliances and resource mobilization, making the PDP and Atiku Abubakar’s presidential ambition bid a more formidable force in the upcoming elections.
Conversely, Garo’s departure from the APC would represent a considerable loss for the party. As a significant player within the APC, his exit could weaken the party’s structure in Kano, especially if he takes loyal supporters with him.
This could create a power vacuum that rivals, particularly the NNPP, would be keen to exploit. The APC would need to reassess its strategies to maintain its influence in the region and prevent further erosion of its base.
Another top possible contender is the state minister for Housing Dr Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo (Ruwa Baba), who Barau floors during the APC primary that returned him back to the assembly in 2015.
T Gwarzo has been a gubernatorial candidate under CAN which was where he gained his close relationship with the then presidential candidate and Nigeria’s current president Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
With him at the centre and the desperation of Barau Jibrin to maintain his control over the votes in Gwarzo local government, and Kano North he still needs to strategize and look at options to work ahead of them.
Apparently, Dr. Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna having contested for the governorship previously, Gawuna is likely to re-contest. His candidacy could clash with a lot of interests from various quarters because of how he enjoins the overwhelming support if Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in the previous election, thought unconfirmed reports says that he might be forced to contest for the Kano senatorial senator, for fears that he might not be accepted by Kano populace, and until now he hasn’t gotten a federal appointment, which many sees it as a means of manoeuvring him out of the race tactically.
Coming in is Hon Baffa Babba DanAgundi who now occupies the position of the director General of the national centre for Productivity and he hails from Kano Central, he is positioning himself as a potential running mate for any gubernatorial candidate.
His strategic positioning could create alliances or rivalries, depending on the dynamics and support he garners. But he might face serious opposition from many party angles because of stepping on many toes that will rather not having him as a deputy
Each option presents both opportunities and challenges for the respective parties, underscoring the fluidity and unpredictability of the region’s political dynamics.
The NNPP , Kwankwaso, Corruption and other rumbles:
Coming in to the internal crisis brewing within the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) which multifaceted and poses significant challenges to its dominance in Kano.
Kwankwaso control factor remains a critical point, his influence shapes party dynamics. His leadership is now under scrutiny due to corruption scandals involving himself at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EFCC, his close relatives and some key officials in Abba Kabir Yusuf’s government, which could undermine public trust and party integrity, from Kano populace.
Furthermore, the NNPP is currently facing a potential defection of prominent figures like Kawu Sumaila and Al-Hassan Rurum because of their different views on the new Kano Emirate law, and accusation of been sidelined on things related to Kano and decisions taking within the party at state levels, which of allowed to leave could weaken the party’s structure and support base.
Their discontent reflects broader dissatisfaction within the party, exacerbated by perceived sidelining of influential members such as Ali Madakin Gini who is the minority leader of the House of Representatives. This marginalization could alienate important factions and erode loyalty among supporters and even him decamping back to the APC especially with his relationship with Barau Jibrin as In-laws.
With only a year remaining to solidify its position and execute various projects to showcase for a re-election by the state governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the NNPP faces an uphill battle. The combination of internal strife, corruption allegations, and key defections could hinder its effectiveness and electoral prospects in Kano. If not addressed, these issues may lead to a significant decline in the party’s influence, complicating efforts to maintain a stronghold in the region as political dynamics evolve.
Equally one thing that has starts to manifest if the possibility of bigger crisis within the NNPP after the local governments elections. There have been speculations that many chairmanship aspirants where not endorsed by Kwankwaso, and that Kwankwaso anointed persons loyal to him which many sees that it might jeopardised the parties future.
The Tootles Bull dog fighting for survival:
The crisis within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has further weakened its influence in Kano politics, allowing other parties like the APC to gain ground. Key figures such as Aminu Wali, Ibrahim Shekarau, Yunusa Dangwani, and Ibrahim Littles are engaged in a power struggle that has fragmented the party and diluted its effectiveness as the primary opposition.
Despite having notable leaders, the PDP’s inability to present a cohesive front has led to a perception of disarray. The ongoing rivalry among these influential figures not only hampers strategic decision-making but also alienates potential supporters. Each leader’s quest for dominance often overshadows collective goals, making it difficult for the PDP to mobilize effectively.
The internal crises faced by the PDP, APC, and NNPP could indeed pave the way for a political revolution in Kano, potentially leading to significant changes in the political landscape. As dissatisfaction grows within these established parties, disillusioned voters may seek alternatives that better address their needs and aspirations.
Despite these analysis only time can tell, what will happen in Kano state politics, with all presidential contenders eyeing to control the state due to the densely concentrated votes there .
As its slogan by its town criers “Kano ta Dabo, Jalla Babbar Hausa, ko da me ka zo am Fika”.
Mahmud Zukogi
With the resignation of Ajuri Obari Ngelale, SA Media and Publicity to the President, the presidency need not agonize in searching for a replacement that is equally competent, versatile and experienced.
Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, an award winning Investigative Journalist, shares the double advantage of being a presidency insider familiar with the media function and protocols, having served in the last one year as SSA (Print Media) to the President. Prior to this, he, together with his boss from Daily Trust, Mahmud Jega, were appointed to strengthen the media team of the Presidential Campaign Council.
If the Presidency is conscious of the politics of representation, and seeks to balance in-house positions around the President, Abdulaziz is the best bet to immediately replace Ajuri Ngelale…and this is not some compensation. Abdulaziz fits the bill, fairly and squarely. Before joining the ace print media company, Media Trust, as Deputy Editor and Deputy General Editor, Abdulaziz was already a celebrated journalist with sterling awards to boot.
He won twice the Wole Soyinka Prize for Investigative Journalism and the AIM award for the best investigative documentary on, “Nigeria’s Banditry: The Inside Story.” What’s more, the young Abdulaziz worked through the ladder serving as a reporter/correspondent and Bureau Chief for Leadership newspapers, Blueprint and then ace investigative media outfit, Premium Times. Abdulaziz is fully equipped for this job, with some professional trainings in his kitty, added to a prestigious Bachelor and Master of Arts in English from Bayero University, Kano.
The commitment and passion with which Abdulaziz brings to bear in his job of representing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and publicising the policies and programmes of the government, especially in the north, is commendable. His vast regular and social media network is rich and could count further in bringing the presidency, what it represents and is doing closer to the vast majority of Nigerians.
And by way of interesting comparison, Abdulaziz shares the same height with Ajuri Ngelale. Both of them are 6.4 feets tall. Any possible replacement for Ngelale must equally stand tall and not shorter. It must be someone who is easily visible to the camera and to the audience.
Behold the new Presidential Spokesman!
Mahmud Zukogi
….An Open Letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu……
By Nasiru Salisu Zango
Dear Mr. President,
In light of the recent voluntary resignation of the presidential spokesperson, there is a significant need to fill the vacant position with a capable and competent individual.
In my humble opinion, there is no better choice than Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, your current Special Assistant on Media, a man of exceptional intellect, experience, and dedication.
Appointing Abdulaziz to this critical role would be the most astute decision for your administration.
His extensive background as a reporter and editor for esteemed publications such as Blueprint Premium Times, and Daily Trust has left a legacy of excellence that continues to resonate across Nigeria.
Abdulaziz is a recipient of numerous awards, including the prestigious Wole Soyinka Center for Investigative Journalism Award.
His integrity, dedication, and work ethic remain exemplary, even after his elevation into the corridors of power within Aso Rock Villa.
Arrogance and vanity are foreign concepts to him, as he continues to maintain strong relationships with colleagues and friends across the media industry.
Despite the challenging task of defending the current administration, especially given the economic policies that have brought hardship to many Nigerians, Abdulaziz has consistently worked with dedication to enlighten the public.
He reminds Nigerians that although the present may be tough, there is light at the end of the tunnel. His unwavering optimism and thoughtful communication have been crucial in maintaining public morale during these difficult times.
Abdulaziz is known not only for his professional prowess but also for his personal character.
He is accommodating, approachable, and always ready to embrace friends and colleagues as family.
These attributes have earned him respect from a wide range of people, both within and outside the media industry.
His ability to foster inclusivity and bring everyone together has made him a respected figure across political divides.
Appointing Abdulaziz as your next presidential spokesperson would be a strategic move, bringing both competence and credibility to the role.
His popularity, especially in the northern part of the country where he hails from, would enhance your administration’s connection with various regions.
As a Nigerian citizen and social commentator, I urge you, Mr. President, and the esteemed individuals within Aso Rock, to give this recommendation serious consideration.
Abdulaziz Abdulaziz is more than qualified for the job.
His intelligence is unparalleled, his experience speaks for itself, and his ability to use his pen as a powerful tool is second to none.
This recommendation is not made out of personal friendship but out of a deep conviction that Abdulaziz Abdulaziz is indeed the right man for the job.
His capacity to succeed Ajuri Ngelale as presidential spokesperson would be an invaluable asset to your administration.
Nasiru Salisu Zango is the Manager News Freedom Radio, writes form Kano
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