Opinion
Tinubu’s Presidency: Where is Senator Shettima?
By Yushau A. Shuaib
Senator Kashim Shettima, a charismatic and eloquent politician, demonstrated exceptional leadership by proactively spearheading the Bola Tinubu presidential campaign, even before the aspirant’s official declaration.
At the time, some long-time loyalists of Bola Tinubu, including those he had appointed to offices during his governorship of Lagos (1999-2007), those he had influenced their appointments in strategic positions (2007-2015) and those he had endorsed for top public offices during the presidency of Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023), were opposed to the Jagaban’s aspiration.
Undeterred, Shettima, a skilled political strategist, championed Tinubu’s brand, defying the presidency’s body language and the APC leadership’s political machinations.
Shettima’s journey is a testament to his unwavering dedication and resilience in pursuing his beliefs. From his humble beginnings as an Agricultural Economist, earning his BSc and MSc from reputable Nigerian universities, to his transition from academia to banking and eventually politics in 2007, his path is a shining example of inspiration and recognition.
During his tenure as Commissioner under Governor Ali Modu Sheriff, Shettima oversaw various portfolios, including Finance, Education, Agriculture, Health, Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. Significant achievements marked his leadership as Governor of Borno State from 2011 to 2019.
His commendable efforts in tackling the Boko Haram insurgency, such as establishing and funding the Civilian JTF, a youth volunteer group supporting the military in counter-terrorism efforts, are a testament to his capabilities. His peace-building initiatives included rehabilitating victims of terrorism, remodelling schools, and building new boarding primary and junior secondary schools to accommodate over 50,000 unaccompanied orphans whose parents were killed by insurgents across the state’s 27 local government areas. As Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum, he was pivotal in promoting national unity and driving critical changes in the region.
As he sought a Senate seat at the close of his tenure in office, Shettima showcased selflessness and trust in his protégé, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, who he groomed to succeed him as the Governor of Borno State in 2019. Both men emerged victorious in the election as a testament to their effective partnership. He resisted the temptation to micromanage or exert undue influence over his successor, instead allowing Zulum to lead independently. This exemplary relationship between a political godfather and a godson starkly contrasts the often contentious dynamics between governors and their successors, making it a shining example of harmonious transition and leadership.
During his time in the upper legislative chamber of the National Assembly, Senator Shettima discreetly championed Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s presidential aspirations before launching a robust and inclusive campaign in 2022. His efforts contrasted with the apparent apathy of many Northern politicians, governors, and cabinet members from the previous administration toward Tinubu.
The Senator passionately advocated for the North to reciprocate Tinubu’s instrumental role in actualising Muhammadu Buhari’s long-held presidential ambition, framing it as a moment of payback and political reciprocity.
One of the three governors of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) that merged with other parties to form the APC, Shettima repeatedly told his audience that Tinubu not only supported Buhari through thick and thin, he had also previously shelved his ambition to support two northern presidential aspirants – former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and former EFCC Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu – even when Northern elements were against both of them. His repeated political catchphrase, targeted at the conservative Northern elites, was: “We are people of honour; we should honour our pledge and promise. This is payback time for the north to support Tinubu.”
He pointedly stated that Buhari’s popularity in the North was not enough to secure the presidency until he was repackaged, rebranded and resold by Tinubu to Nigerians, especially in the South-West in 2015.
His relentless campaign and pivotal role influenced Northern politicians in his party to soft-pedal and embrace Tinubu’s campaign team.
After winning the convention, Tinubu nominated Shettima as his running mate, and they eventually won the election in 2023.
It’s intriguing, therefore, to note that after President Tinubu’s inauguration, the Shettima we now see in the Presidency, as the Vice President, is not like the ebullient person we knew. This stark contrast in his demeanour has left some of us deeply unsettled.
Since Tinubu’s government was inaugurated in May 2023, the vibrant and outspoken Shettima seems to have become a shadow of himself. Compared to previous holders of the same office, his current position as Vice President seems less defined. Some agencies that should be under his supervision have been merged with other ministries that relate directly to the President, raising questions about his current influence and responsibilities.
Despite this, Shettima has earned a reputation for exceptional leadership and hospitality towards people of all faiths and ethnicities. He is the most detribalised public officer in Tinubu’s government, with at least 70 per cent of his aides from diverse backgrounds. A Kanuri man, he exemplified the same inclusive leadership while he was Governor by assembling a diverse team that reflected his values, consisting of individuals from various tribes and faiths, including Hausas, Fulanis, Igbos, Yorubas, Muslims, and non-Muslims, among others.
However, while some ministers are becoming more powerful and influential, it’s disheartening that Shettima could not do much for his people. For instance, he could not defend a renowned incorruptible female Chartered Accountant and a sister from his state, who was unjustly and prematurely retired from a senior position in an agency he supposedly supervised as the Vice President.
There are widespread speculations that a kitchen cabinet of Yoruba from the Lagos axis is running the affairs of the government and that they are responsible for the routine assignments passed to Shettima, such as attending to condolences and other inconsequential visitations.
While Shettima remains loyal to the President, Tinubu should be mindful that some of his major supporters before his inauguration are now bitterly disenchanted, including some retired military generals, former governors, and party chiefs. Many others need to be persuaded and wooed back into the political fold, not because of the ongoing alliance building up between former Vice President Abubakar Atiku, Peter Obi, and other dark horses across the political parties towards 2027, but because it is the right thing to do.
The President should also endeavour to erase the impression of the Yorubanisation and Lagosation of his government. Some claim that once you can speak Yoruba, especially with Lagosian accents, you will be sure of getting the right connection with this government.
The Presidency needs to painstakingly evaluate its performance in office in the last one year and make serious amends where necessary, especially regarding its relationships with critical political and government stakeholders.
Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies
yashuaib@yashuaib.com
Opinion
Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Opinion
Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
