Opinion
Adieu The Lion: A Tribute to late Ghali Na’abba
Auwalu Anwar PhD
On Wednesday, 27th December 2023, the former Speaker, House of Representatives (2000−2003), Rt. Honourable Ghali Umar Na’Abba, died at the National Hospital, Abuja around 3.00 a.m. I had been associated with him since our childhood days, beginning from 1968, when I was admitted into Goron Dutse Primary School, at the age of twelve, and he was at Mayanka Senior Primary School section within the same premises. He was ten years old. Since we knew each other, we maintained a cordial and mutually respectful relationship up to the time he died.
In 1990, when I was getting married, Ghali was one of those who made financial contribution to support me. Interestingly, we differed in the choice of political parties during the Second Republic (1978−1983). Ghali’s father, Alhaji Umar Na’Abba, and some of his brothers were strong supporters of the NEPU in the First Republic (1960−1966). However, Ghali was influenced by his maternal uncle, Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa, to join the NPN instead of the PRP and, much later, the NRC instead of the SDP during General IBB’s transition programme. PRP and SDP were the preferred political platforms in Kano, in those days.
It was, somewhat, surprising that in 1999 Ghali did not follow his uncle, Bashir, to the APP, which later became the ANPP, but decided to contest for the House of Representatives, from Kano Municipal Federal Constituency, on the platform of the PDP. In fact, up to the time of his emergence as Speaker, Ghali’s mother, Hajiya Rabi, was an active and proud member of the APP in solidarity with her brother.
When campaign for the position of Speaker started among members-elect, in 1999, Ghali was leading Ibrahim Salisu Buhari’s Team while I was in charge of Farouk Lawan’s Team. There was a time he requested that I should join hands with them and campaign for Buhari, who, he rightly predicted, had brighter chances of winning the contest.
In response, I informed him that if he were the one contesting, I might make an effort to reconcile the two teams, because I had relationship with him and with Farouk Lawan. Buhari was, at that time, not well known to me. Regardless of my rejection of his request, he promised that if his candidate won, he would make sure I was appointed Special Adviser (Political) to the Speaker. He further indicated that they were after success not politics.
When he subsequently emerged as Speaker, I went to Abuja to congratulate him and also offer some pieces of advice on certain things I considered fundamental for his success as a leader in a political context, but also as an individual, and a friend. When I visited his residence, there was heavy traffic and he was about to go out at the time. He asked of where I was staying and he later came to see me that night. We had a lengthy and fruitful discussion.
As an individual, I reminded him that he was a businessman before he went into politics. As such, he should neither regard politics as an occupation nor close his business, completely. Of course, it would be unethical for him to handle both, simultaneously, but he could delegate his business activities to an individual, a team, or a relevant institution that he considered safe enough to hold the trust without any violation.
He listened to me attentively, and later asked whether I could remember his promise to get me appointed as their adviser on political affairs? Having responded positively, he informed me to await his invitation, now that he had the authority to appoint, directly.
About a month after my visit, three of our mutual friends, namely: Dauda Raula, Ubaliye Lancaster, and Baba Adoke came to my house in Kano to tell me that Speaker Na’Abba wanted to see me, urgently. They also hinted that he wanted to appoint me as an adviser. They were very enthusiastic and wanted me to follow them to Abuja the following day. I explained why I could not go to Abuja, immediately, and requested them to tell the Honourable Speaker that I would meet him after a week. I went at the time I promised.
The work of a political adviser was neither easy nor understood by most people, but especially the partisan elements masquerading as grassroots politicians. This will be explained in detail in my memoirs. The Ghali-Obasanjo uneasy relationship was more complex than most people perceived its ingredients, when it lasted. The two personalities represented distinct objective categories of a single reality: Project Nigeria.
By 1979, OBJ was a retired General of the Nigerian Army, a Civil War Hero, and a former Head of State. He was an exemplary African leader who relinquished power to fulfil a promise made by his predecessor. He was celebrated across the world. Thus, earning him a position in the prestigious Eminent Persons Group of the Commonwealth. OBJ was indeed considered by many as a symbol of military success in politics and governance in Africa.
Unlike OBJ, Na’Abba graduated in Political Science from the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS) of the prestigious Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, in 1979. He was a product of the radical ideological tradition established by world-class scholars such as Patrick Wilmot, Yusufu Bala Usman, and Ibrahim Tahir in ABU. Na’Abba was, by his training and orientation, a direct opposite of OBJ on the definition and substance of a successful political system and what constituted the concept of ‘legitimacy’ in governance.
The fundamental differences in perspectives between Na’Abba and OBJ on what should be the content of politics, including the notion of directive principles of state policy were what, largely, accounted for their endless conflict when fate brought them to work together, in complementary positions, for the progress of Nigeria. None of them might have been deliberately mischievous to sabotage the other. Each was convinced in the superiority of his position in the conflict. OBJ saw loyalty as complete submission to superior authority and Na’Abba questioned the propriety of such a militaristic interpretation.
The Na’Abba-OBJ conflict had been disastrous for both Kano and northern Nigeria in the sense that both the Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, and the Governor of Kano State, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso were not, in any way, collaborating with the Speaker to ensure a better deal for these two jurisdictions in the administration. This made me to seek for permission from the Speaker to meet and discuss the issue of possible areas for understanding with both Atiku and Kwankwaso.
He permitted me and two of my friends working with the other leaders facilitated the meeting. I was granted permission to see the Vice President through his Special Assistant on Local Government Affairs, Dr. Umar Ardo, and the Special Adviser (Political) to Kwankwaso, Dr. Hafiz Abubakar, secured an appointment for me to meet with the Governor of Kano State. After my meeting with the two leaders and my subsequent discussions with Na’Abba, it appeared to me that communication gap and mutual ego considerations were at the centre of their misunderstanding. This was not to discount the fact that both Atiku and Kwankwaso were playing it safe with President Obasabjo, their leader.
Although many people, both supporters and detractors, did not understand Na’Abba’s motivation in his conflict with the Executive at that time, the reality was, the Speaker, single-handedly, was the only real check on the Executive. He became the only potent opposition that made dictatorial tendencies to collapse and evaporate. At a point, all members of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the PDP, with a few exceptions, were coming to support and thank him for speaking truth to power. He was named “Lion” by his colleagues in recognition of this fact.
A few months to the end of his tenure as Speaker, a group of northern elders sent a message, they wanted him to contest for the presidency of Nigeria in 2003. He summoned his Special Adviser (Special Duties), Mr. Sebastian Agbinda, and my humble self for a meeting at which he informed us of the development and sought for our opinion. He gave us two days to reflect on the matter and report our findings to him. He seemed truly excited about the offer.
Our understanding was that, the offer was a hoax and a booby-trap. The so-called elders, in our opinion, wanted to simply mess up our Principal and clear the way for their friend, OBJ, to have his way in what he wanted to do with Nigeria. However, we did not know how to convince Na’Abba to reject the offer.
In the end, we informed him that the risk was worth taking especially coming from our ‘elders.’ However, we calculated what was needed for logistics before the project could succeed. We advised him to request the leaders to raise half of the amount for him to put the process in motion. He should also confirm to them that if they raised the amount, he would resign from his position as Speaker and join another party to contest for the presidency. This was how we killed the plot to embarrass Na’Abba!
Na’Abba’s failure to return to the House of Representatives in 2003 was as a result of high-level conspiracy involving internal and external forces, representing domestic, local and national interests. The actual roles played by individuals and groups to sabotage Ghali during the general elections are better left unmentioned. Otherwise, there could be an in-fighting galore even within the extended family of the Na’Abba clan. I am saying this on good authority as his Special Adviser on Political Matters. I am aware of what actually happened, which many others didn’t know.
Na’Abba’s last two decades had been characterized by unfulfilled dreams and health-related challenges. He was among those who left the PDP with Atiku Abubakar and joined the AC in 2007. He attempted to contest for the gubernatorial seat in Kano, but was not supported by other leaders in the party.
He later returned to the PDP. In 2011, his house was among those destroyed by Buhari-inspired arsonists in some major cities in northern Nigeria, when their candidate lost the presidential election.
Surprisingly, Na’Abba joined Buhari’s APC in 2014 and when the party won the election in 2015, he was among the multitude that were thrown away by the unrepentant dictator, Muhammadu Buhari. He returned to the PDP before the 2023 general election but could not work harmoniously with the party and its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar.
Since he left office in 2003, Na’Abba had been struggling to survive with multiple shortages. He literally had no house of his own since his Villa in Kano was demolished by Buhari’s thugs. He survived on the goodwill of some of his friends, former colleagues, and his successors in the National Assembly. He was threatened with Court Order and eviction in two of the houses he rented in Abuja, due to continuous deficit in the payment of rent.
He lived to witness the total capitulation of the parliament and its disgraceful submission to an irresponsible, inept, corrupt and treacherous Buhari-led gang of thieves, robbers, and treasury looters. To make matters worse, the presidency of the National Assembly was in the hands of someone, who was in the vibrant House of Representatives presided by Ghali Umar Na’Abba. He always lamented the calamity that had befallen the Nigerian parliament whenever I visited him in his last days.
Religion was, surely, the only area in which Na’Abba got some solace before his death. He became devotedly committed to the activities of the Tijjaniyya Brotherhood. He sometimes organized the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet (Maulidi) and, at one time, invited people believed to be descendants of the Prophet (Sharifai) to have a feast. He developed great admiration and respect for the intellectual prowess of the Shi’a School of Thought.
He associated with and obliged to the requests of many clerics: the genuine, the undefined, and the charlatans. May Allah forgive his sins and grant him paradise. Amin.
Anwar, was a Special Adviser Political Affairs to former Speaker Na’abba.
Ruqayyah Hamidu Muhammad PhD
The behind the scenes battle between the two prominent political figures of Kano state is affecting the political progress of the state and the entire northern region. The ongoing conflict in Kano State is more than a local issue; it is a matter of significant concern for the political progress and unity of the entire northern region of Nigeria. This rivalry has deep implications for governance, development, and regional solidarity. I am deeply shocked that we still have millions of sane individuals that support and encourage such attitude, let me open your eyes to the consequences of this battle, perhaps you see things differently and unite against it;
1. Undermining Governance in Kano State
Kano State, as a political and economic hub in Northern Nigeria, plays a pivotal role in the region’s progress. A divided leadership in Kano has severe consequences:
Distracted Leadership: Instead of focusing on policies and programs that benefit the people, resources and energy are being diverted toward political squabbles.
Delayed Development: Political instability creates a vacuum in decision-making, stalling critical infrastructure projects, economic initiatives, and social welfare programs.
Administrative Paralysis: Rivalries often lead to factionalism within government institutions, causing inefficiency and lack of coordination in service delivery.
2. Weakening Northern Political Unity
The northern region has traditionally relied on unity and consensus-building to maintain political influence in Nigeria. This rivalry is fracturing that cohesion and creating vacuums.
Factions and Divisions: The clash between the prominent political leaders polarizes supporters within Kano and across the north, creating camps that weaken the collective bargaining power of the region.
Loss of Regional Focus: Instead of collaborating to tackle shared issues such as insecurity, poverty, and youth unemployment, almajiranci, street begging, leaders are consumed by intra-party or inter-party conflicts.
3. Negative Perception of Northern Politics
These conflicts project a negative image of northern politics at the national and even international levels.
Leadership Crisis: Persistent fighting portrays northern leadership as disorganized and more interested in personal power than public welfare.
Reduced Influence: National political stakeholders may view the north as politically unstable, leading to reduced confidence in the region’s ability to present a united front.
Public Disillusionment: Ordinary citizens may lose faith in the political process, seeing it as a game of ego and personal ambition rather than a means to address societal challenges or issues
4. Impact on the Region’s Developmental Agenda
Kano’s position as a leader in commerce, culture, and population means its political health directly affects the broader northern region.
Economic Repercussions: Political unrest in Kano disrupts trade, investment, and business activities, which are critical for the northern economy.
Policy Inconsistency: Frequent political changes or standoffs can lead to abrupt shifts in policies, discouraging long-term development initiatives resulting in huge economics loses.
Stalled Regional Projects: Projects that require regional collaboration such as those in agriculture, education, and transportation may be delayed or abandoned due to lack of coordination.
5. Insecurity and Social Fragmentation
Political instability often exacerbates existing challenges, including insecurity:
Rise in Violence: Political feuds can trigger violent clashes between supporters, leading to loss of lives and property, further destabilizing the region.
Exploitation by Insurgents: Groups like Boko Haram and bandits exploit political disunity and weak governance to expand their influence in the region.
Ethno-Religious Tensions: The conflict may deepen existing ethno-religious divides, as politicians use identity-based rhetoric to mobilize support, leading to long-term social fragmentation.
6. Erosion of Political Ideals
One of the most damaging effects of this rivalry is the erosion of political ideals in the north:
Focus on Personal Agendas: The rivalry overshadows ideological debates and policy-driven leadership, reducing politics to a contest of personalities.
Youth Disenchantment: Young people in the north may become disillusioned with politics, seeing it as a tool for personal enrichment rather than societal progress.
Diminished Legacy: The contributions of Kano’s historical political leaders, who prioritized unity and development, are undermined by the current discord.
7. Spillover Effects Across the Northern Region
The instability in Kano has a ripple effect on the entire northern region’s politics and progress:
Divisive Influence: The rivalry may spill over into other states, encouraging similar conflicts among leaders who are aligned with either of the two factions.
Weakening of Political Alliances: Regional political blocs, such as those formed during elections, may lose their effectiveness due to infighting and loss of trust.
National Implications: The north’s reduced influence on the national stage could lead to diminished representation and marginalization in key decision-making processes.
Recommendations for Resolving the Conflict
To address the negative impacts of these conflicts and restore political progress, we need to come together as a people and implement the following;
Respected northern elders and traditional rulers (if we have any) should be encourage to come forward and mediate between these figures, emphasizing the importance of unity for the progress of Kano and the entire region. There is also need for civil societies members and the electorates to hold the leaders accountable, demanding and encouraging a focus on governance, collaboration on non-partisan issues such as insecurity, poverty alleviation, and youth empowerment rather than personal feuds. It is also high time that His excellency Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf activates the activities of the established council of elders, to promote dialogue and collective decision-making, which will eventually radiate within the entire northern region for a transformative Journey.
In conclusion, we need to shine our eyes and know that the rivalry between the prominent figures in Kano is more than a localized political battle. It is a threat to the northern region’s unity, development, and influence. Resolving this conflict should be given optimum and immediate priority and sustained efforts from stakeholders at all levels to refocus leadership on governance, regional collaboration, and addressing the pressing needs of the population than personal gain and ego.
Finally Allah says: “And hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided.. (Surah Al-Imran 3:103).
Ruqayyah Hamidu Muhammad PhD
Executive Director NASSDEV
Email: info@nassdev.ng
Tel: +234(0)8032014161
Saleh Adamu Kwaru, CNA, FCCSA (USA)
In the face of our challenges, we must recognize the immense potential that lies within the Northern Nigeria. A region brimming with untapped potentials is more than just a geographical expanse. It is a treasure trove of natural resources, a fertile ground for innovation, and a home to a vibrant and resourceful people.
From the vast agricultural lands of the Middle Belt to the mineral-rich deposits of the North-East, and the abundant natural resources of the North-West, our region possesses the essential raw materials needed to drive economic growth and prosperity. These diverse resources provide a strong foundation for various industries, offering opportunities for development and investment that can significantly enhance the region’s economic landscape.
A Shared Vision for the Future
Imagine a Northern Nigeria where every child, regardless of their background or location, has access to quality education. Where classrooms are equipped with modern learning tools, skilled teachers inspire young minds, and a strong emphasis is placed on STEM subjects to prepare our youth for the future. Picture a region where technology revolutionizes agriculture. Where farmers utilize innovative techniques such as precision farming and drone technology to increase yields, conserve water, and reduce reliance on harmful chemicals.
Imagine a region where agro-processing industries flourish, creating jobs and adding value to our agricultural products. Envision a Northern Nigeria where our abundant natural resources are managed sustainably for the benefit of present and future generations. Where renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind power, are harnessed to meet our energy needs. Where forests are protected, water resources are conserved, and biodiversity is preserved.
Mobilizing Our Strengths
We must harness the immense potential of our region by capitalizing on our greatest assets: our fertile land, our industrious people, and our rich cultural heritage. Through investing heavily in education, we can empower our youth to become the leaders, innovators, and entrepreneurs of tomorrow. Quality education will equip them with the knowledge and skills needed to drive economic growth and social progress.
For the region to attain sustainable development and equitable distribution of resources, we must foster a culture of integrity and accountability in leadership. Transparent governance, effective public service delivery, and the eradication of corruption are essential for building a prosperous and just society. Indeed, when we prioritize good governance, we can create an environment that attracts investment, encourages innovation, and empowers our people.
This transformation cannot happen in isolation. It requires the active participation of all stakeholders— the government, the private sector, civil society organizations, and the communities themselves. The government, through sound policies and effective implementation, can provide the necessary framework for economic growth and social progress. With investment huge in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, the government can create the conditions for businesses to thrive and individuals to prosper.
The private sector, with its resources and expertise, can drive economic growth and create jobs. Scale up investment in local businesses, promoting entrepreneurship, and adopting sustainable practices, the private sector can contribute to the overall development of the region. The civil society organizations play a crucial role in advocating for social justice, environmental protection, and good governance. In the course of community mobilization, awareness campaigns, and advocacy, civil society can help ensure that the benefits of development reach the grassroots level, improving the lives of all.
Our rich cultural heritage is a profound source of strength and identity, reflecting the vibrant history and diverse traditions of Northern Nigeria. Through promoting tourism and cultural exchange, we can showcase the beauty, diversity and uniqueness of our region with the world. This not only spurs economic growth but also fosters pride in our communities and encourages the preservation of our traditions and community empowerment.
Northern Nigeria’s potential is not confined within its borders; it reaches far beyond, promising substantial growth and development. Through fostering collaboration with neighboring regions and countries, we can build a strong and interconnected trade network that enhances economic opportunities. Regional partnerships can facilitate knowledge sharing, resource pooling, and collective problem-solving, leading to greater prosperity as well as pave the way for a mutually beneficial exchange of goods, services, and expertise.
A Clarion Call to Action
The time has come for us to unite and take decisive action to transform our fortunes. Let us advocate for policies that recognize and integrate the abundant resources of our region, fostering a shared vision for Northern Nigeria’s growth. Moreover, let us invest in our youth, equipping them with the necessary tools and opportunities to succeed. Their potential is immense, and nurturing it will drive the region’s future progress.
The future of Northern Nigeria is undeniably bright, but it is our collective responsibility to turn that potential into reality and to hold our leaders accountable, demanding transparency and integrity in governance to ensure our collective prosperity. Together, we can build a prosperous and sustainable future for all.
Saleh Adamu Kwaru, CNA, FCCSA (USA) is a retired CBN staff.
Ruqayyah Hamidu Muhammad PhD
Begging (also known as panhandling) is the practice of imploring others to grant a favor, often a gift of money, with little or no expectation of reciprocation. A person doing such is called a beggar or panhandler. Beggars may operate in public places such as transport routes, urban parks, and markets. Some beggars adopt a persistent approach, approaching motorists in traffic, and creating nuisance along major highways. How ever begging, no doubt, is a downgraded act which leads to the image tarnishing as well as loss of prestige and dignity of any person engaging in it.
Islam prohibits begging as a profession, and considers it to be lazy work that goes against the strength that Allah gives. The Prophet Muhammad advised people to try to earn a living through lawful and good means, encouraging self-reliance and hard work. The only condition for one to beg is when he is extremely poor and in dire need, then such an individual can approach others for assistance and once his need is met, he goes back to his normal business. Islam frowns at taking begging as a means of livelihood.
Although contributing factor to this issue is the economic downturn, resulting in the closure of industries and factories, fuel subsidy removal, different acts of terrorism, leaving many without alternative means of livelihood. While discouraging begging, Islam also stresses the responsibility of those with resources to provide charity (zakat and sadaqah) to alleviate poverty and prevent people from resorting to begging.
The issue of begging, especially in places like Kano, where cultural and religious values encourage generosity, reflects a troubling misuse of kindness and a lack of systemic solutions to poverty. While the Islamic principles of charity (zakat and sadaqah) aim to create a safety net for the needy, the exploitation of this benevolence has led to social and urban challenges.
I want to commend and encourage the Kano State Government for its efforts to address the issue of begging, as it reflects a thoughtful recognition of the need to tackle this societal challenge. Taking decisive action against the menace of begging is crucial, not only to restore the dignity of individuals (who risk losing their sense of self-worth) but also to enhance the social and urban fabric of Kano.
The issue of paramilitary organizations like KAROTA (Kano Road and Traffic Agency), Federal Road safety Corps (FRSC) officials, and other related entities soliciting bribes or “begging” from motorists on Kano streets is indeed troubling. This practice undermines public trust in these institutions, compromises their integrity, and creates an atmosphere of lawlessness and embarrassment for both the authorities and the public.
To rebuild trust and professionalism, the government must make accountability and ethical behavior non-negotiable priorities. Ensuring that institutions like KAROTA and road safety agencies operate with transparency and respect for the public will not only enhance their effectiveness but also restore the dignity of both the enforcers and the citizens they serve.
The issues of begging and the misuse of public trust in Kano are deeply intertwined with broader societal and institutional challenges. While poverty and economic downturns have pushed many into desperation, the exploitation of kindness and corruption among enforcement agencies exacerbate these problems. Addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach that combines compassion, accountability, and systemic reforms.
The Kano State Government’s efforts to tackle begging are commendable, and they should be bolstered with robust policies that empower individuals to seek dignified livelihoods. Similarly, eradicating unethical practices within paramilitary and traffic enforcement agencies must be a top priority to restore public trust and professionalism.
By fostering an environment of dignity, transparency, and responsibility, Kano can pave the way for a more equitable and harmonious society where charity serves its true purpose, laws are upheld with integrity, and every individual is encouraged to contribute positively to the community. Let this be a collective commitment to reclaim the soul and pride of Kano for the benefit of all.
Ruqayyah Hamidu Muhammad PhD, is the Executive Director Network for Awareness for Socio-economic Rights and Sustainable Development (NASSDEV).
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