Opinion
Adieu The Lion: A Tribute to late Ghali Na’abba
Auwalu Anwar PhD
On Wednesday, 27th December 2023, the former Speaker, House of Representatives (2000−2003), Rt. Honourable Ghali Umar Na’Abba, died at the National Hospital, Abuja around 3.00 a.m. I had been associated with him since our childhood days, beginning from 1968, when I was admitted into Goron Dutse Primary School, at the age of twelve, and he was at Mayanka Senior Primary School section within the same premises. He was ten years old. Since we knew each other, we maintained a cordial and mutually respectful relationship up to the time he died.
In 1990, when I was getting married, Ghali was one of those who made financial contribution to support me. Interestingly, we differed in the choice of political parties during the Second Republic (1978−1983). Ghali’s father, Alhaji Umar Na’Abba, and some of his brothers were strong supporters of the NEPU in the First Republic (1960−1966). However, Ghali was influenced by his maternal uncle, Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa, to join the NPN instead of the PRP and, much later, the NRC instead of the SDP during General IBB’s transition programme. PRP and SDP were the preferred political platforms in Kano, in those days.
It was, somewhat, surprising that in 1999 Ghali did not follow his uncle, Bashir, to the APP, which later became the ANPP, but decided to contest for the House of Representatives, from Kano Municipal Federal Constituency, on the platform of the PDP. In fact, up to the time of his emergence as Speaker, Ghali’s mother, Hajiya Rabi, was an active and proud member of the APP in solidarity with her brother.
When campaign for the position of Speaker started among members-elect, in 1999, Ghali was leading Ibrahim Salisu Buhari’s Team while I was in charge of Farouk Lawan’s Team. There was a time he requested that I should join hands with them and campaign for Buhari, who, he rightly predicted, had brighter chances of winning the contest.
In response, I informed him that if he were the one contesting, I might make an effort to reconcile the two teams, because I had relationship with him and with Farouk Lawan. Buhari was, at that time, not well known to me. Regardless of my rejection of his request, he promised that if his candidate won, he would make sure I was appointed Special Adviser (Political) to the Speaker. He further indicated that they were after success not politics.
When he subsequently emerged as Speaker, I went to Abuja to congratulate him and also offer some pieces of advice on certain things I considered fundamental for his success as a leader in a political context, but also as an individual, and a friend. When I visited his residence, there was heavy traffic and he was about to go out at the time. He asked of where I was staying and he later came to see me that night. We had a lengthy and fruitful discussion.
As an individual, I reminded him that he was a businessman before he went into politics. As such, he should neither regard politics as an occupation nor close his business, completely. Of course, it would be unethical for him to handle both, simultaneously, but he could delegate his business activities to an individual, a team, or a relevant institution that he considered safe enough to hold the trust without any violation.
He listened to me attentively, and later asked whether I could remember his promise to get me appointed as their adviser on political affairs? Having responded positively, he informed me to await his invitation, now that he had the authority to appoint, directly.
About a month after my visit, three of our mutual friends, namely: Dauda Raula, Ubaliye Lancaster, and Baba Adoke came to my house in Kano to tell me that Speaker Na’Abba wanted to see me, urgently. They also hinted that he wanted to appoint me as an adviser. They were very enthusiastic and wanted me to follow them to Abuja the following day. I explained why I could not go to Abuja, immediately, and requested them to tell the Honourable Speaker that I would meet him after a week. I went at the time I promised.
The work of a political adviser was neither easy nor understood by most people, but especially the partisan elements masquerading as grassroots politicians. This will be explained in detail in my memoirs. The Ghali-Obasanjo uneasy relationship was more complex than most people perceived its ingredients, when it lasted. The two personalities represented distinct objective categories of a single reality: Project Nigeria.
By 1979, OBJ was a retired General of the Nigerian Army, a Civil War Hero, and a former Head of State. He was an exemplary African leader who relinquished power to fulfil a promise made by his predecessor. He was celebrated across the world. Thus, earning him a position in the prestigious Eminent Persons Group of the Commonwealth. OBJ was indeed considered by many as a symbol of military success in politics and governance in Africa.
Unlike OBJ, Na’Abba graduated in Political Science from the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS) of the prestigious Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, in 1979. He was a product of the radical ideological tradition established by world-class scholars such as Patrick Wilmot, Yusufu Bala Usman, and Ibrahim Tahir in ABU. Na’Abba was, by his training and orientation, a direct opposite of OBJ on the definition and substance of a successful political system and what constituted the concept of ‘legitimacy’ in governance.
The fundamental differences in perspectives between Na’Abba and OBJ on what should be the content of politics, including the notion of directive principles of state policy were what, largely, accounted for their endless conflict when fate brought them to work together, in complementary positions, for the progress of Nigeria. None of them might have been deliberately mischievous to sabotage the other. Each was convinced in the superiority of his position in the conflict. OBJ saw loyalty as complete submission to superior authority and Na’Abba questioned the propriety of such a militaristic interpretation.
The Na’Abba-OBJ conflict had been disastrous for both Kano and northern Nigeria in the sense that both the Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, and the Governor of Kano State, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso were not, in any way, collaborating with the Speaker to ensure a better deal for these two jurisdictions in the administration. This made me to seek for permission from the Speaker to meet and discuss the issue of possible areas for understanding with both Atiku and Kwankwaso.
He permitted me and two of my friends working with the other leaders facilitated the meeting. I was granted permission to see the Vice President through his Special Assistant on Local Government Affairs, Dr. Umar Ardo, and the Special Adviser (Political) to Kwankwaso, Dr. Hafiz Abubakar, secured an appointment for me to meet with the Governor of Kano State. After my meeting with the two leaders and my subsequent discussions with Na’Abba, it appeared to me that communication gap and mutual ego considerations were at the centre of their misunderstanding. This was not to discount the fact that both Atiku and Kwankwaso were playing it safe with President Obasabjo, their leader.
Although many people, both supporters and detractors, did not understand Na’Abba’s motivation in his conflict with the Executive at that time, the reality was, the Speaker, single-handedly, was the only real check on the Executive. He became the only potent opposition that made dictatorial tendencies to collapse and evaporate. At a point, all members of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the PDP, with a few exceptions, were coming to support and thank him for speaking truth to power. He was named “Lion” by his colleagues in recognition of this fact.
A few months to the end of his tenure as Speaker, a group of northern elders sent a message, they wanted him to contest for the presidency of Nigeria in 2003. He summoned his Special Adviser (Special Duties), Mr. Sebastian Agbinda, and my humble self for a meeting at which he informed us of the development and sought for our opinion. He gave us two days to reflect on the matter and report our findings to him. He seemed truly excited about the offer.
Our understanding was that, the offer was a hoax and a booby-trap. The so-called elders, in our opinion, wanted to simply mess up our Principal and clear the way for their friend, OBJ, to have his way in what he wanted to do with Nigeria. However, we did not know how to convince Na’Abba to reject the offer.
In the end, we informed him that the risk was worth taking especially coming from our ‘elders.’ However, we calculated what was needed for logistics before the project could succeed. We advised him to request the leaders to raise half of the amount for him to put the process in motion. He should also confirm to them that if they raised the amount, he would resign from his position as Speaker and join another party to contest for the presidency. This was how we killed the plot to embarrass Na’Abba!
Na’Abba’s failure to return to the House of Representatives in 2003 was as a result of high-level conspiracy involving internal and external forces, representing domestic, local and national interests. The actual roles played by individuals and groups to sabotage Ghali during the general elections are better left unmentioned. Otherwise, there could be an in-fighting galore even within the extended family of the Na’Abba clan. I am saying this on good authority as his Special Adviser on Political Matters. I am aware of what actually happened, which many others didn’t know.
Na’Abba’s last two decades had been characterized by unfulfilled dreams and health-related challenges. He was among those who left the PDP with Atiku Abubakar and joined the AC in 2007. He attempted to contest for the gubernatorial seat in Kano, but was not supported by other leaders in the party.
He later returned to the PDP. In 2011, his house was among those destroyed by Buhari-inspired arsonists in some major cities in northern Nigeria, when their candidate lost the presidential election.
Surprisingly, Na’Abba joined Buhari’s APC in 2014 and when the party won the election in 2015, he was among the multitude that were thrown away by the unrepentant dictator, Muhammadu Buhari. He returned to the PDP before the 2023 general election but could not work harmoniously with the party and its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar.
Since he left office in 2003, Na’Abba had been struggling to survive with multiple shortages. He literally had no house of his own since his Villa in Kano was demolished by Buhari’s thugs. He survived on the goodwill of some of his friends, former colleagues, and his successors in the National Assembly. He was threatened with Court Order and eviction in two of the houses he rented in Abuja, due to continuous deficit in the payment of rent.
He lived to witness the total capitulation of the parliament and its disgraceful submission to an irresponsible, inept, corrupt and treacherous Buhari-led gang of thieves, robbers, and treasury looters. To make matters worse, the presidency of the National Assembly was in the hands of someone, who was in the vibrant House of Representatives presided by Ghali Umar Na’Abba. He always lamented the calamity that had befallen the Nigerian parliament whenever I visited him in his last days.
Religion was, surely, the only area in which Na’Abba got some solace before his death. He became devotedly committed to the activities of the Tijjaniyya Brotherhood. He sometimes organized the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet (Maulidi) and, at one time, invited people believed to be descendants of the Prophet (Sharifai) to have a feast. He developed great admiration and respect for the intellectual prowess of the Shi’a School of Thought.
He associated with and obliged to the requests of many clerics: the genuine, the undefined, and the charlatans. May Allah forgive his sins and grant him paradise. Amin.
Anwar, was a Special Adviser Political Affairs to former Speaker Na’abba.
Saleh Adamu Kwaru
The milestone of Nigeria’s foreign exchange reserves crossing $54.08 billion for the first time in nearly 18 years reads like a triumphant headline. On paper, it represents a towering financial fortress built by the Central Bank of Nigeria through steady oil revenues, aggressive monetary tightening, and unprecedented diaspora inflows. Yet, beneath these dazzling macroeconomic figures lies a deeply agonising paradox. For the average Nigerian, the euphoria of $54 billion in the vault feels less like a shared national victory and more like a cruel illusion—a distant celebration taking place in glass towers while the everyday citizen fights an exhausting daily battle for basic survival.
To understand the profound emotional disconnect felt on the streets today, one must travel back to December 22, 2008, the last time the reserves touched $54.21 billion. Eighteen years ago, that same numerical figure existed in a fundamentally different world. In 2008, a dollar exchanged for roughly ₦118 to ₦135. A worker earning a modest salary could walk into a market with dignity, buy family foodstuffs, pay rent comfortably, and still hold onto a sense of quiet hope for the future. Fuel was subsidised, school fees were manageable, and the middle class was a living, breathing reality rather than a fading memory. The reserve target then felt aligned with an atmosphere of tangible stability and shared prosperity.
Fast-forward to 2026, and the stark contrast breaks the heart. Today’s $54 billion reserve sits alongside a naira that trades around ₦1,315 to ₦1,390 per dollar—a staggering depreciation that has quietly eroded the life savings of millions. Where a bag of rice or a tank of petrol once took a minor fraction of a monthly wage, it now demands entire paycheques. The removal of energy subsidies, compounding transport costs, and an unyielding inflation rate have turned simple household decisions into nerve-wracking dilemmas. Parents stand in markets clutching cash that shrinks in real time, staring at prices that mock their hard work, forced to make heart-wrenching choices between feeding their children and paying for medical care.
The emotional plight of the ordinary Nigerian is defined by suffocating fatigue—the feeling of being trapped in an economic storm while reading news of a national windfall. There is a deep, unspoken grief over lost lifestyles, abandoned dreams, and the endless hustle that no longer yields a comfortable life. Every morning, millions wake up to navigate long commutes and skyrocketing living costs, carrying the emotional weight of a middle class that has been slowly wiped out. The daily narrative is no longer about building wealth or planning for retirement; it has been reduced to an urgent, high-stakes operational goal: surviving until tomorrow.
Ultimately, while $54 billion in foreign reserves provides necessary structural armour for sovereign credit ratings and currency stabilisation, a balance sheet cannot feed a hungry family or heal a weary spirit. Until the strength of those reserves filters down into stable food prices, affordable transportation, and genuine relief at the local market stall, the figure will remain an abstract triumph. The true measure of Nigeria’s wealth can never be captured solely in foreign exchange ledgers. It will only be realised when the ordinary citizen can finally breathe a sigh of economic relief and feel the dignity of their hard labour restored.
By Aliyu Isa Aliyu, Ph.D
As the 2027 general elections draw closer, political conversations in Kano are increasingly dominated by competing claims about which party has the stronger machinery and which political bloc is better positioned to win the state.
Much of the debate, however, is driven by sentiment, personality politics and social media narratives. A more useful approach would be to examine the numbers, electoral history, political structures and the movement of key actors across the political divide.
The Kano of 2019 was not the Kano of 2023. And the political configuration approaching 2027 is different from both.
Before making my argument, I believe it is important to put my political background on record—not as a credential, but to establish that my assessment is informed by some firsthand experience of the political structures under discussion.
My Kwankwasiyya journey did not begin in 2012 after I benefited from a foreign scholarship. It dates much further back.
My late father, Alhaji Isa Aliyu Danzabuwa, was a politician known to many in Kano’s political circles, particularly those associated with Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. From the early 1990s until his death in 2005, I grew up seeing politicians, especially from Bichi, regularly visit our home.
If political commitment could be inherited, I would say politics is in my blood.
My active participation in partisan politics began in 2007, when Hon. Ahmad Garba Bichi was the PDP governorship candidate. Ahead of the 2011 elections, I also worked actively for the victory of the PDP and Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, then the party’s governorship candidate.
As a young graduate, I served as a polling-unit agent at Shagari Quarters and participated in Kwankwasiyya’s “Dawo-Dawo” rallies across several local government areas under the coordination of the late Alhaji Balarabe Musa Kalla, the late Mustapha Sani Kabara and Hon. Mustapha Buhari Bakwana, alongside friends and colleagues including Akibu Isa Murtala, Bashir Ali Usman, Badaru Auwalu Yola and Abba Ben Umar, among others.
On election day, we spent the night at Guringawa Ward and later slept at the INEC office in Kumbotso Local Government Area before accompanying the ballot boxes to the state INEC office. I was also part of the celebration that followed the victory, beginning at Senator Kwankwaso’s Gandu residence.
We did these things without expecting appointments, contracts or personal benefits. We were motivated largely by the belief that the government we were helping to bring to power would provide better governance.
That experience gave me an opportunity to see, from the grassroots, how political mobilisation, organisation and electoral structures worked within the Kwankwasiyya movement.
It is from that perspective that I approach the 2027 question—not with hostility towards any political movement, but with an attempt to examine the available facts.
The Kano of 2019
The argument that APC has never had sufficient political strength in Kano does not stand up well against the electoral record.
In the 2019 presidential election, the APC candidate polled 1,464,768 votes in Kano State, compared with 391,593 votes for the PDP.
More significantly, the APC won all 24 National Assembly seats in the state.
At the state level, the APC won 30 of the 40 State House of Assembly seats and secured victory in 28 of the 44 local government areas in the initial governorship election.
Although the party trailed by 26,655 votes before the supplementary election, it eventually won the governorship by 8,982 votes.
These figures are important because they challenge the simplistic assumption that Kano elections are determined exclusively by the popularity of a single political personality.
If personality alone determined electoral outcomes, the PDP, led in Kano by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso at the time, would arguably not have suffered such a comprehensive defeat in 2019.
The lesson from that election is that political popularity matters, but so do party structures, organisation, alliances, resources and the ability to translate political support into votes.
What Changed in 2023?
The political landscape changed dramatically before the 2023 elections.
The APC presidential candidate received 517,341 votes in Kano State—a substantial decline from the party’s 2019 presidential tally.
The party also suffered major losses in the National and State Assembly elections.
In Kano Central, the APC lost all 11 House of Representatives seats to the NNPP. It also lost one seat in Kano North and five in Kano South. At the State Assembly level, the party lost 17 seats to the NNPP.
In the governorship election, the NNPP defeated the APC by 128,897 votes.
That was a significant margin, and the result should not be minimised. But it is equally important to understand the circumstances in which the election took place.
The APC entered the 2023 election deeply weakened by internal divisions and the departure of several influential politicians.
Among those who left the party, particularly in Kano South, were figures such as Hon. Kawu Sumaila, Hon. Kabiru Alhassan, Gwani Ali Bukar Makoda, Hon. Safiyanu Harbau and others.
Similar political losses occurred in Kano North and Kano Central, including the departure of former Governor Ibrahim Shekarau, who continued to command considerable political influence through the Shura movement.
These defections did more than change party membership. They transferred political experience, grassroots networks, mobilisers and organisational structures from one political camp to another.
In other words, the 2023 election was fought with an APC that had lost some of its most important political assets, while its principal opponent had gained many of them.
That distinction is crucial when comparing 2023 with 2027.
The Political Equation Heading Into 2027
The political equation has changed again.
The defection of the serving governor and a considerable number of his political associates has altered the balance of political structures across Kano’s 44 local government areas.
Several structures associated with the Kwankwasiyya political family—including CRC, Kano Proper, scholars, Lafiya Jari, Kwankwasiyya, NNPP and Option A structures, Jagorori, LGA caucuses, interstate teams and contact committees—have experienced significant defections.
Based on my knowledge of some of these structures, I estimate that a substantial proportion of their members have moved to the APC, with some structures losing as much as 70 per cent of their personnel.
That estimate can, of course, be debated and should ideally be tested against independently verifiable membership and electoral data. But the broader phenomenon is difficult to ignore: political actors and grassroots organisers who previously operated within one camp are now increasingly distributed across another.
These are not merely names on a list.
Political structures are valuable because they consist of people who know the wards, polling units and communities; people who understand voter mobilisation; people who can coordinate agents; and people who have established relationships with local political actors.
Such networks take years to build.
The movement of prominent political figures has also been substantial.
Among those who have moved away from the Kwankwasiyya camp are Ahmad Garba Bichi, Audu Kirare, Dayyabu Maiturare, Baffa Sani Gaya, Ali Bukar Makoda, Isiyaku Ali Danja, Dr Danyaro Yakasai, Surajo Harisu Danbatta, Umar Haruna Doguwa, Gambo Sallau, Garba Hungu, Yusuf Ogan Boye, Dr Baffa Bichi, Hamza Maifata, Muhammad Ahmad, Butu-Butu of Rimin Gado, Tijjani Abdulkadir Jobe, Ali Madaki and many others.
The significance of these movements should not be assessed merely by the number of political leaders involved. Their importance lies in the networks that accompany them.
A politician who changes parties may bring with him political organisers, ward leaders, supporters, campaign coordinators and longstanding relationships.
This was precisely what happened to the APC ahead of the 2023 election when several of its influential figures defected to the opposition.
The difference now is that the direction of movement appears to have changed.
Structures Matter
One of the mistakes political observers often make is to confuse social-media visibility with electoral strength.
A party can dominate online conversations and still struggle at the polling unit.
Conversely, a political organisation may generate relatively little noise online while maintaining an extensive grassroots network.
Elections are ultimately conducted at polling units.
Between the political speech and the final result lies an enormous organisational chain: voters must be identified and mobilised; campaign structures must function; polling agents must be recruited and trained; transportation and communication must be coordinated; results must be collated and monitored; and political alliances must remain intact until the final declaration.
This is why political structures matter.
The 2027 contest in Kano should therefore not be reduced to the question of which politician is more popular or which party has the louder supporters online.
The more important questions are: Who controls the grassroots structures? Who has functional ward and polling-unit networks? Who can mobilise voters? Who can maintain those structures throughout the campaign? Who can coordinate election-day operations? And, ultimately, who can convert political support into actual votes?
The Numbers Must Speak
None of this means that the APC has already won Kano.
Elections are not won by historical comparisons alone, and political structures can change rapidly.
The APC will still have to manage its own internal contradictions, accommodate its new entrants, maintain cohesion and convince voters that its platform deserves their support.
Likewise, the NNPP and Kwankwasiyya should not be written off. They retain significant political assets, loyal supporters and a political identity that has been built over many years.
But acknowledging those strengths should not prevent an honest assessment of the changes that have occurred.
The central point is simple: 2027 is not 2023.
The APC that contested Kano in 2023 is not necessarily the APC that will contest Kano in 2027. Similarly, the political structure that propelled the NNPP to victory in 2023 is not exactly the same structure approaching the next election.
The movement of political actors has altered the equation.
Therefore, anyone attempting to predict the outcome of the 2027 Kano election should look beyond political noise, emotional attachment and social-media trends.
History provides the context. Numbers provide evidence. Structures provide the machinery. Alliances provide additional strength. And voters ultimately provide the verdict.
The most responsible way to analyse Kano 2027 is therefore not to ask who is making the most noise, but who has the numbers, the structures, the organisation and the capacity to turn political support into votes.
When the votes are eventually cast and counted, it will not be social media that determines the winner.
The numbers will speak.
Aliyu Isa Aliyu, Ph.D, is a commissioner Ministry of Livestock Development, Kano State.
Aliyu Ismail Diso
It is with a heavy heart and a profound sense of sorrow that I pay this tribute to a true friend, a brother and a remarkable human being, Malam Bello Muhammad Sharada, whose life was cut short on August 31, 2026, at the age of 56.
My relationship with Bello did not begin yesterday. We knew each other from childhood, when he was only about 10 years old and I was three years his senior. Our families had a long-standing relationship strengthened by close friendship and intermarriage. My stepmother, Hajiya Amina Misau, popularly known as Hajia Ya, was the younger sister of his father, Alhaji Muhammadu. From those early years, a beautiful bond of friendship, affection and mutual respect developed between us.
As the years passed, that bond grew stronger. What began as childhood friendship eventually became something much deeper. Bello was no longer simply a friend; he became a brother to me.
He was a man of admirable character, kindness and compassion. He had a special way of relating with people and bringing warmth and happiness to those around him. His words of encouragement, his philosophical understanding of Islamic teachings on brotherhood, and his willingness to stand by his friends and family were among the qualities that made him exceptional.
For many years, we shared memories, experiences, challenges, laughter and countless moments that I will forever cherish. Our lives also took us through different stages of the journalism profession, a field to which he devoted much of his life.
Bello was deeply involved in print journalism. He served as an editor of Al-Tajdid Islamic Newspaper of Jama’atu Tajdidul Islam in 1996, under the Chief Editor, Malam Aminu Aliyu Gusau, Modibbo Gusau. While he devoted himself largely to print journalism, I pursued broadcasting. Our shared professional interests, however, continued to bring us together.
In 2007, we worked as research assistants to Malam Ibrahim Ado Kurawa, the former Director-General of the Research and Documentation Directorate at the Kano State Government House. Bello later served as editor of Demokuradiyya a Yau, a Hausa newspaper, while working as a desk officer responsible for newspaper production and management under the Research and Documentation Directorate.
Beyond his professional accomplishments, Bello will be remembered for the lives he touched through his words, wisdom and personal relationships. His pen was not merely a tool of journalism; it was an instrument through which he sought to influence behaviour, enlighten society and inspire the younger generation.
His writings, particularly those shared on social media, reflected his deep thoughts, wisdom and understanding of life. Even in his final days, his thoughtful reflections left messages that continue to resonate with those who followed his work.
His death has created a painful emptiness that words cannot adequately describe. Yet, in the midst of this grief, I find comfort in the beautiful memories he left behind.
The calibre and number of people who gathered at his funeral prayers testified to the impact he had on the lives of others. It was a powerful demonstration that Bello lived among people with kindness, friendship, simplicity, firmness and mutual respect.
My dear Bello, you may have left this world, but you will never leave our hearts. Your friendship, brotherhood, wisdom and memories will remain with us.
May Almighty Allah forgive your shortcomings, accept your good deeds, have mercy upon you, grant you eternal peace and admit you into Jannatul Firdaus.
To the family you left behind, especially Mubarak and his 11 siblings, I pray that Almighty Allah grants you strength, patience and courage to bear this immense loss. May He comfort the entire family and grant you the fortitude to carry on with the values and legacy he left behind.
Rest in peace, my dear friend and brother.
Aliyu Ismail Diso, is a veteran journalists in Kano.
Kano Police Arrest Eight in Drug, Thuggery Raids
Funeral Prayer Held for Late Shehu Kabir Bayero
Kano holds planning meeting on implementation of Nigeria learning passport
Kwankwaso, Gov Yusuf, Amnesty International Condemn Killing of Ibrahim Khalil Dan Shagamu
Kano Police arrest two suspects over death of Ibrahim Khalil Danshagamu
Kano State Out-of-School Children Survey Report 2026: From Evidence to Impact — A Roadmap For Educational Development
Kano schools to resume Sunday for 2026/2027 academic session
From Grade Level 03 to Director: A 35-Year Journey of Resilience and Service
Justice Abdullahi Mahmud Bayero of Court of Appeal Dies in Egypt
