Opinion
Kperogi: A captive of raw emotions
Professor Aliyu Barau
In adding my voice to the latest Kperogi’s punch on the Emir of Kano MSII; I opt to go the way of science. Scientists deploy tools such as ‘research questions’ to find answers for what is unknown and use ‘research hypothesis’ on things which little is known about both in theory and practice. Examples of research questions could be: ‘can influential individuals help the government’s economic policies?’; or ‘can an Emir speak openly in a democratic setting? Examples of research hypotheses could be: ‘Kperogi is a confused academic and journalist’; or ‘Kperogi is not a sadist academic.’ After conducting a study scientists find answers to the research questions through multiple opinions, perspectives, and contexts that deepen our understanding. For research hypotheses, we accept or reject whether Kperogi is indeed a sadist or not, a confused academic/journalist or not. If you profess professorship, you must divorce sentiments. Kperogi’s overloaded bag of insults are unguided by science or decent knowledge. For him, English is a language and a rough and raw tool to misinform the uninformed living in the neo-Babel Tower.
According to myths, arrogance and ignorance made humans build the Tower of Babel to outsmart God. Then, God avenged by sowing confusion and strife among them by making them speak different languages. When humans cannot understand each other bitterness flourishes. Thus, language underpins conflicts and is a strong weapon of disseminating misinformation and disinformation. On the other hand, the Ivory Tower is the rendezvous of knowledge, though an idiom – to ‘live in the Ivory Tower’ denotes being inexperienced or disconnected from the world realities. Nigeria is a Babel Tower in its own right and its Ivory Tower is both amazing and disgusting. Kperogi belongs to both towers – one for a curse and the other for a cause.
I am prompted to pick holes in the ways Kperogi takes a swipe on Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano. Of course, I am not raising a firewall to fortify the Emir. It is apparent that Sanusi has been in the crosshairs of Kperogi – who lays siege looking for any possible angle to strike. I am particularly distressed by the hideous and superficial scholarship that Professor Kperogi personifies. In 2022, I felt it was compelling to respond to Kperogi’s nonsense when he shamelessly threatened to renounce his Nigerian citizenship should Tinubu emerge as Nigeria’s President. I don’t think Kperogi is the right person to write about the rift between Tinubu and Sanusi because both of them are clowns in the sight of his pen. I know it is not a repentance, and I hope it is not a means to curry favour with Tinubu’s camp. Writing on Sanusi’s Lagos outburst, I expect Kperogi to be deeply critical and analytical.
Academics and outstanding journalists have emotions, but their professionalism guides them to be careful, disinterested, and cautious. I remember the clash of the African giants – Ali Mazrui and Wole Soyinka in the 1990s. It was a merciless and smoldering battle of pens from whose storm settles dazzling knowledge and mastery of language. The duo fired salvos at each other with supreme argumentation exuding sounds and aromas of philosophy, faith, science, logic and above all critical thinking. Kperogi’s attacks on Sanusi are essentially based on ‘out of context statements’ and very unscholarly. Expectedly, the Tinubu’s government responded through boilerplate statements typical of the Nigeria Government media portfolio. For Kperogi, everything is about Sanusi’s hubris and unguarded orals. To me, there is more to this, the examples of questions and hypothesis that I have raised drive how I respond to Kperogi’s unscholarly take on the ‘text’ instead of the ‘context’.
African leaders like their counterparts everywhere can be understood better by looking at their complete lifecycle. This can be achieved through readings to dissect their histories, thinking, feelings, physique and emotions. PBS’ Frontline documentaries cover leaders such as MbS, Putin and Xi Jinping by tracing their lifecycle and stages. Each film on these personalities traces their childhood moments to background how and why they behave the way they do. Critics of Sanusi should at least use Johari Window theory (from Joseph Luft and Harrington Ingham) to understand him in light of the theory’s four windows. Although this theory is meant for individuals to understand themselves heuristically, we can apply it in understanding why people behave the way they do.
There are many Nigerians – living under democratic atmosphere- who wish to see Sanusi and the like silenced or be as silent as a statue. Such people think traditional rulers are meant to be permanently reticent. Such notion or belief is actually backgrounded in colonial mentality and is aimed at gagging the colonized. The British royals are known for observing what is called ‘stiff upper lip’. I am not disputing royal etiquettes which also weakens progressively with time. However, in recent times, we have seen how Prince Harry, born by the stiff upper lip, butchered it in the most horrendous way. Even the heir-apparent, Prince William is widely reported calling the royal stiff upper lip dangerous to their mental health. Kperogi should learn to let Sanusi speak his mind. On the other hand, it is insulting that traditional rulers are caged as ‘agents’ of every governor or government – the good, the bad, the ugly.
On the matter of his friends, unknown to Kperogi, methinks Sanusi plays very smart and proud in his talks. As an economist, he knows the value of the ‘Stop Rule.’ It is called the hard-and-fast simple rule of avoiding frustration. Gerald M. Loeb (1899-1974) in his classic, The Battle for Investment Survival cautioned that investors must apply a Stop Rule once the values start declining. Maybe, Sanusi applies the Stop Rule to his friends whose behaviors apparently honk at him signaling devaluation of the friendship. Many scientists postulate that only 20% and to the maximum of 50% of our friends are real, others are just numbers.
Relatedly, many people felt Sanusi is a narcissist for saying he withheld his advice to the government. I see it differently, individuals with knowledge and proven track records can help governments to turn around the economy. The controversial US ‘Prime Minister’ Elon Musk as Jeffery Sachs calls him is an example. Today, no one in Nigeria would deny that petroleum pricing including subsidy removal is the most frustrating economic issue for both Government and the citizens. Again, nobody can deny that Ali Dangote is the most important private sector player in the petroleum sector. In Nigeria, nobody can deny that the Government has frustrated Ali Dangote to the highest skies. Nobody can deny that Dangote is inflammably incensed. Dangote’s historic shame-breaker investment in the sector should earn him the best spectacular rewards and not the hell he sees. In the US, Beta, Apple, Amazon, Google, Walmart and many others are seen as the face of America and these giants enjoy apparent and cryptic support from every Government in the US. In China Tiktok, BYD and Alibaba and the rest are seen by the Government as the scions of the Government. Dangote is being orphaned and humiliated. This dehumanizing treatment Dangote is receiving is costly for Nigeria. It will take years and prime efforts to fix it. I learned that some investors from North Africa recoiled on the grounds that if Dangote is mishandled in his fatherland, what would be for them. Now, nobody in Nigeria can deny that Emir Sanusi and Dangote are trusted friends. I assume Sanusi could ‘help’ the government to reconcile with Dangote. The Government needs to be assisted to restore the confidence of local and foreign investors. Dangote testimony is about the only one that investors would believe and not any choreographed statements of the Government.
This is how I choose to deconstruct Kperogi by adding my opinion and perspectives to answer the question I raised in the beginning. It is left to the reader to either accept or reject my hypothesis on who actually Keprogi is. One thing I am sure of is that Kperogi’s pen swims in raw emotions. I repeat that betrays his academic ranking and position which I queried for being not-flying in my earlier treatise on his petty products.
Imam Murtadha Gusau
The killing of Katsina-based Islamic preacher Sheikh Yahaya Ibrahim Masussuka should serve as a warning against the dangers of religious extremism, sectarian hostility and the reckless attribution of blame before investigations are concluded.
Sheikh Masussuka was reportedly shot dead alongside his associate, Adamu Abubakar, by gunmen in Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State, on Monday, October 26, 2026. His death has generated tension, with allegations circulating on social media and among religious circles that members of Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah, particularly the Salafiyyah and Izalah movements, were responsible.
Those allegations have been complicated by an audio statement in which the terrorist group Ansaru reportedly claimed responsibility for the killings. The group was also reported to have cited Masussuka’s religious views, advocacy for interfaith dialogue and condemnation of violent extremism among its grievances against him.
These claims must be properly investigated and independently established. However, they underscore an important point: religious disagreements, however intense, must never become a licence for violence, and suspicion must never be mistaken for proof.
The danger of collective blame
Masussuka was a controversial religious figure whose Qur’an-centred teachings, including his rejection of the authority of Prophetic Hadith, brought him into theological disagreements with mainstream Islamic scholars.
In November 2025, he reportedly petitioned the Katsina State Government over alleged insults and threats from members of the Izalah movement. Such a history of disagreement may explain why some people quickly suspected his religious opponents after his killing. It does not, however, establish their responsibility for the crime.
In a society where religious identity can easily become a source of division, the temptation to blame an entire movement for the actions of individuals is dangerous. It can inflame tensions, provoke retaliation and endanger innocent people.
No religious group should be held collectively responsible for a crime without credible evidence. Equally, no individual or organisation should be shielded from investigation merely because of its religious affiliation or public standing.
The appropriate response to the killing is a thorough, impartial investigation that identifies the perpetrators, establishes their motives and brings those found culpable to justice.
The Katsina State Police Command and other relevant authorities must be allowed to carry out their responsibilities without pressure from partisan interests or religious factions. Members of the public, meanwhile, should resist the temptation to spread unverified allegations or mobilise others against people they suspect.
Justice cannot be secured through rumours, online accusations or reprisals. It requires evidence, due process and the courage to accept the outcome of a credible investigation.
Islam’s position on the sanctity of life
As a Muslim, I consider the protection of innocent life a fundamental obligation. The deliberate killing of an innocent person is a grave offence, and no interpretation of religion should be used to justify murder, intimidation or acts of terror.
Allah says in the Qur’an:
“Whoever kills a soul unless for a soul or for corruption done in the land—it is as if he had slain mankind entirely. And whoever saves one—it is as if he had saved mankind entirely.” (Qur’an 5:32)
This teaching places an enormous moral responsibility on every believer. Human life cannot be treated as disposable simply because someone holds a different opinion, belongs to another religious group or challenges a particular interpretation of scripture.
The Qur’an also instructs Muslims to invite people to the way of their Lord with wisdom and good counsel, and to engage them in the best possible manner (Qur’an 16:125).
This principle is particularly important when religious differences become contentious. Disagreement should be addressed through scholarship, dialogue and reasoned argument—not threats, intimidation or violence.
Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah, like other Muslim communities, should be judged by the conduct of its adherents and the teachings they uphold, rather than by allegations that have not been established. Those who identify with the Sunnah must demonstrate through their conduct that their commitment to the faith is inseparable from justice, mercy and respect for human life.
At the same time, the rejection of terrorism must be universal. Violence does not become acceptable because its perpetrators claim to defend a religious cause, and no group can acquire immunity from scrutiny by invoking Islam.
Knowledge must defeat extremism
One of the most effective ways of confronting religious extremism is to promote sound Islamic scholarship and responsible religious leadership.
The history of Islam offers examples of scholars who confronted dangerous interpretations through knowledge and dialogue. Abdullah ibn Abbas, a Companion of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), is widely remembered in Islamic tradition for engaging the Khawarij, an early extremist group, in theological argument and challenging their interpretations of religious texts.
The lesson is that mistaken beliefs should be confronted with evidence, patience and sound scholarship. Violence against people suspected of holding erroneous views only deepens division and makes peaceful engagement more difficult.
Religious leaders therefore have a special responsibility to ensure that their sermons, teachings and public statements do not encourage hatred or legitimise harm against others. They must distinguish between correcting an idea and attacking the dignity or safety of the person who holds it.
This responsibility extends to social media, where provocative messages and unverified allegations can spread rapidly. Religious disputes that might otherwise remain confined to scholarly discussions can become public confrontations when users circulate inflammatory claims without checking their accuracy.
Muslims should refuse to participate in online campaigns that dehumanise opponents, encourage collective punishment or portray entire communities as enemies. The pursuit of truth requires intellectual honesty, while the defence of religion requires good character.
The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) is reported to have said that a Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand other people are safe. This teaching offers a practical standard by which believers should assess their conduct.
If our words expose innocent people to threats, or our actions endanger their lives, we must examine whether we are truly reflecting the values we profess.
Mercy is not weakness
The distinction between religious conviction and religious intolerance must be clearly understood. A person can hold firmly to a theological position without insulting, threatening or persecuting those who disagree.
Indeed, mercy does not require Muslims to abandon their beliefs. It requires them to uphold those beliefs without violating the rights of others.
The Prophet’s conduct provides a model of restraint and compassion. In a well-known account in Sahih al-Bukhari, a Bedouin urinated in the Prophet’s Mosque, prompting some Companions to react angrily. The Prophet instructed them to leave the man alone and have the affected area cleaned, explaining that people had been sent to make matters easier, not harder.
The lesson is not that wrongdoing should be ignored. Rather, correction should be proportionate, informed and directed towards addressing the problem instead of humiliating or destroying the person responsible.
This approach is relevant to contemporary religious disagreements. A person who expresses a controversial interpretation of Islam should be answered with knowledge and appropriate dialogue. Where conduct violates the law, the authorities should respond through lawful procedures. Neither theological disagreement nor public anger justifies private punishment.
Similarly, allegations of blasphemy, disbelief or deviation must not be treated as permission for individuals to take the law into their own hands. Accusations of this nature can have devastating consequences and must never become instruments for settling personal scores or advancing sectarian interests.
A responsibility shared by leaders and citizens
The killing of Sheikh Masussuka demands more than condemnation. It calls for a collective commitment to prevent further violence.
The police must investigate the killings professionally and pursue those responsible. Religious leaders must calm their followers and reject attempts to exploit the tragedy. Political and community leaders must discourage inflammatory rhetoric, while media organisations and social media users must verify information before publishing or sharing it.
The government should also pay attention to the conditions that allow extremist groups to recruit, intimidate communities and spread violent ideologies. Effective security measures must be accompanied by credible religious education, community engagement and opportunities for young people to seek guidance from knowledgeable and responsible scholars.
Above all, the authorities must ensure that the pursuit of justice does not become a pretext for harassment or reprisals against innocent people.
The killing of one person must not lead to the persecution of another. Nor should the grief of a victim’s family be exploited to deepen divisions within the Muslim community.
Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah adherents have a responsibility to reject violence committed in the name of Islam and to demonstrate that their commitment to the Sunnah is reflected in patience, compassion and respect for justice. Other religious communities and ideological groups have the same obligation to reject violence and hold their members accountable for wrongdoing.
The protection of innocent life is not the exclusive responsibility of one sect. It is a shared moral and civic duty.
Justice, not vengeance
The circumstances surrounding Sheikh Masussuka’s death must be established through a credible investigation. If Ansaru’s reported claim of responsibility is substantiated, the group’s involvement must be confronted through lawful security and judicial measures. If evidence implicates any other individuals, they too must answer for their actions.
Until then, Nigerians must resist the urge to turn suspicion into certainty or religious disagreement into collective condemnation.
The true test of religious commitment is not the intensity with which one denounces opponents, but the willingness to uphold truth and justice even when emotions run high. Faith should encourage self-restraint, protect human dignity and inspire people to seek peaceful solutions to their differences.
Nigeria has already paid a heavy price for violence driven by extremism and communal suspicion. The country cannot afford to allow another killing to become a trigger for fresh hostility.
Let the death of Sheikh Yahaya Ibrahim Masussuka strengthen, rather than weaken, our resolve to protect innocent lives, promote responsible religious dialogue and ensure that every allegation is tested against evidence.
Islam must not be used as a cover for terrorism, and religious disagreement must never become an excuse for murder. The path forward is clear: reject extremism, condemn false accusations, protect the innocent and allow justice to take its course.
Imam Murtadha Muhammad Gusau is the Chief Imam of Nagazi-Uvete Jumu’ah Mosque and the late Alhaji Abdur-Rahman Okene’s Mosque, Okene, Kogi State, Nigeria.
Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK)
Malam Ibrahim Mu’azzam is arguably the most influential person and university teacher in my academic and intellectual development. Although I studied Sociology rather than Political Science, I audited his courses and attended his lectures throughout my early and later undergraduate years.
One of the qualities that distinguished him then, and which he has retained to this day, is his charismatic personality and the natural attraction he exerts on students through his wide-ranging knowledge, teaching expertise and remarkable ability to inspire intellectual curiosity. Students passionate about ideas and critical thinking were always drawn to his approach to introducing complex concepts to an often bewildered classroom.
Malam Mu’azzam, as we fondly call him, was a magnet for ideas and a model of critical intellectual engagement. In those days, he probably had one of the largest personal libraries or private studies. Scores of undergraduate and postgraduate students trooped to his home, which he moved to after leaving the university quarters.
We marvelled at his extraordinary collection of books spanning numerous disciplines, far beyond his formal academic specialisation and teaching responsibilities. His study contained, and continues to contain, books on a wide range of subjects, including the philosophy of science, theology, education, English, linguistics and, of course, classic and highly acclaimed works in the social sciences, Political Science and Geography.
I still remember an incident in 1988 when Malam and I travelled to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, for an Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) delegates’ conference. I accompanied him to the university bookshop and watched him purchase books across a variety of academic disciplines. That experience inspired me to follow his example by building a collection of books from different fields—a habit I have sustained to this day.
Despite his formal retirement after a long career at Bayero University, Kano (BUK), Malam remains intellectually active. He continues to work with us at the Ibrahim Mu’azzam Institute of Philosophy, organised by the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD).
His continued engagement is a remarkable testament to his enduring contributions to teaching, critical scholarship and the advancement of knowledge within and beyond the academic community. Malam Mu’azzam’s influence extends far beyond the classroom, inspiring generations of students and scholars to embrace intellectual curiosity, independent thought and lifelong learning.
Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK), teaches at Bayero University, Kano.
Mustapha Muhammad
As the 2027 general elections draw nearer, the signs pointing towards a possible victory for Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf in his bid for a second term as Executive Governor of Kano State are becoming clearer by the day. The road, once fraught with political obstacles, conflicts, and challenges, appears to be clearing rapidly. Victory is increasingly within sight, God willing.
The foundation of Governor Yusuf’s political momentum rests on his administration’s performance, astute political manoeuvring, successful consensus-building during party primaries, and proactive reconciliation efforts. By bringing key political figures from Kano’s three senatorial districts—South, North, and Central—under one umbrella, coupled with the perceived decline in the influence of the Kwankwasiyya movement following widespread defections to the All Progressives Congress (APC), Governor Yusuf has positioned himself favourably ahead of the forthcoming election.
He stands out among the contenders for the Kano governorship. His political resilience and strategic departure from what he considers the troubled waters of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) demonstrate his ability to navigate complex political challenges in pursuit of victory.
Below are some of the key factors driving Governor Yusuf’s political momentum ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Transformative Governance and Administrative Scorecard
Over the past three years, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has implemented people-oriented projects and policies aimed at improving the lives of Kano residents across critical sectors.
Educational Revitalisation
Increased budgetary allocation: Funding for education rose from 29.5 per cent in 2024 to 30.5 per cent in 2025 and reached 31.5 per cent in 2026, out of a total state budget exceeding ₦1.47 trillion.
Massive recruitment: Nearly 20,000 teachers, including personnel recruited under the Kano State Better Education for All (BESDA) initiative, were employed to address critical teacher shortages in classrooms.
Infrastructure upgrades: Nearly 400 schools across the state’s 44 local government areas (LGAs) have undergone complete renovation, alongside ongoing construction projects.
Academic excellence: Kano State led national performance rankings in the National Examinations Council (NECO) examinations in 2025 and 2026. In 2026, the state produced 74,413 candidates who obtained at least five credits, including English Language and Mathematics, surpassing Lagos State, with 72,496 candidates, and Oyo State, with 55,543.
Healthcare Modernisation and Pension Delivery
Primary healthcare overhaul: More than 340 primary healthcare centres across the 44 LGAs have been renovated.
Hospital expansion: At least 10 new general hospitals have been constructed in underserved LGAs, while work is ongoing on six additional facilities to ensure that every LGA has a dedicated general hospital.
Modern equipment: Health facilities have been equipped with CT scanners, dialysis units, ultrasound machines, and automated laboratory analysers.
Settlement of pension arrears: Of the inherited ₦48 billion backlog of pension and gratuity liabilities, the administration has disbursed more than ₦32 billion to retirees.
Agricultural Development and Rural Infrastructure
Farm mechanisation and subsidies: The state procured 98 tractors and 48 combine harvesters while introducing a 50 per cent fertiliser subsidy programme across all LGAs.
Irrigation expansion: The rehabilitation of the Watari Irrigation Scheme expanded irrigation coverage by 1,000 hectares, with the aim of boosting year-round agricultural production.
Road networks and urban renewal: Eighteen of the 34 planned five-kilometre rural road projects have been completed, with solar streetlights installed. In addition, 12 of the 24 planned urban renewal road projects, covering approximately 76 kilometres, have been delivered.
Bridge reconstruction: The Kubaraci-Kura Bridge was restored, reopening important economic and transportation corridors.
Empowerment and Skills Acquisition
Social safety nets: Monthly stipends of ₦50,000 are provided to 5,200 women, while grants of ₦150,000 have been distributed to youths across the state.
Entrepreneurship: Twenty-six technical and entrepreneurship institutes have been revitalised to provide practical vocational training and equip beneficiaries with relevant skills.
Political Realignment and Party Unity
Governor Yusuf demonstrated political foresight by defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC). His decision, in the view of his supporters, was timely and strategically informed by the need to secure his political future.
The subsequent defections from the NNPP by members of the Kwankwasiyya movement have, according to this argument, strengthened the case for his political realignment. The move also positioned him and his supporters within a political platform they consider more advantageous ahead of the 2027 elections.
Furthermore, as the state’s APC leader, Governor Yusuf successfully managed the consensus process during the party primaries, resulting in what supporters described as a “no victor, no vanquished” outcome.
His ongoing reconciliation efforts have also helped bring political stakeholders from Kano’s three senatorial districts together, strengthening the prospect of a united political front ahead of the 2027 polls.
With his administration’s reported achievements, political realignment, and reconciliation efforts, Governor Yusuf’s supporters believe he is well positioned to secure a second term in office.
No doubt, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Executive Governor of Kano State, is traversing the path to victory in the 2027 general elections.
Mustapha Muhammad is the Chief Press Secretary to the Executive Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf. He writes from Kano.
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