Opinion
Kwankwaso: The Northern Titan Tinubu Needs for 2027
By: Lamara Garba Azare
In the vast theatre of Nigerian politics, where loyalties shift like desert winds and alliances are often built on the fragile sands of expediency, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso remains a paradoxical figure—grounded yet mobile, underestimated yet ever-looming, regional yet national. His name echoes from the narrow alleys of Kano to the polished corridors of Abuja. And in the current recalibration of the political landscape, his relevance is not just intact—it is ascending.
As 2027 casts its early shadow on the horizon, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must begin to examine not only who stands beside him today, but who can help him conquer tomorrow. Among all the northern actors, one name rings with both history and hope: Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—engineer, former governor, former minister, presidential contender, and above all, a man of the people.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s political journey began long before the return to civilian rule in 1999. He was first elected into the Federal House of Representatives in 1992 under the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), during the short-lived Third Republic. Representing the Madobi Federal Constituency, he quickly rose to prominence and was elected Deputy Speaker of the House—a rare feat for a first-time legislator and a reflection of his charisma, competence, and political acumen even at a young age. Though the republic was cut short by the military, Kwankwaso’s early emergence laid the foundation for what would become a long, impactful political career spanning over three decades.
Kwankwaso vs. Ganduje: A Tale of Unequal Titans
The recent ouster of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje as APC National Chairman has stripped the ruling party of a man who was less a unifying figure and more a lightning rod for controversy. In truth, Ganduje’s political shadow was always smaller than his ambition. Since 2015, when he inherited Kano’s leadership from his former mentor, Ganduje spent more time fighting ghosts than building legacy.
In both the 2019 and 2023 elections, Ganduje’s electoral strength was tested—and found wanting. In 2019, he scraped through a victory marred by violence and a controversial rerun. By 2023, he had lost the state completely to Kwankwaso’s New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). It was a stunning reversal. The man he had once served as deputy and later sought to diminish had not only returned, but reclaimed Kano’s soul.
This contrast cannot be overstated. Where Ganduje represented self-preservation, Kwankwaso represents a movement. Where Ganduje lacked charisma and moral clarity, Kwankwaso commanded loyalty through ideas, sacrifice, and an unbroken connection to the grassroots.
The red cap of Kwankwasiyya is not just cloth; it is a statement of ideology, a badge of discipline, and a symbol of service.
And now, with Ganduje’s shadow gone, the political space is slowly being recalibrated. Even among top APC power brokers, quiet conversations are beginning to emerge—conversations that whisper one name, not in opposition, but in strategic admiration: Kwankwaso.
A Northern Giant in the National Equation
Since 1999, no political personality in Northern Nigeria has maintained relevance, respect, and regional command like Kwankwaso. From the days of the Fourth Republic, where he served as Governor under the PDP, to his time as Minister of Defence and later as a senator, Kwankwaso has always been a force unto himself—untamed, unbought, and unbowed.
When he returned to the PDP in 2018, he was met not with a red carpet but with resistance. The fight over the Northwest Zonal Chairmanship—particularly the betrayal by Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo and Governor Aminu Tambuwal—was a painful reminder that in Nigerian politics, past glory is no shield from present conspiracies.
Yet from those ashes, Kwankwaso rose again—this time on his own terms. The NNPP, a party once dismissed as fringe, became his new political cathedral. And in 2023, it delivered a seismic political upset, reclaiming Kano and sending shockwaves through the APC and PDP alike.
Tinubu and Kwankwaso: Twin Architects of Modern Nigerian Politics
There is a poetic symmetry between Tinubu and Kwankwaso, though they emerged from different regions. Both are engineers—Tinubu, a political one; Kwankwaso, a literal one. Both began their political ascent in 1999. Both shaped their regions with a mix of discipline, policy, and populist appeal. Both have been godfathers and gladiators, builders and reformers, thinkers and fighters.
In the South-West, Tinubu built Lagos into a political stronghold, produced governors, and designed strategies that eventually toppled a 16-year-old PDP rule. In the North, Kwankwaso built a grassroots machine so formidable that no governor after him has been able to ignore it—not even his archrival Ganduje, whose administration was haunted by Kwankwaso’s legacy.
In a country still divided by ethnic fault lines and regional calculations, these two men represent the possibility of a fusion: one that cuts across the Niger, speaks to the heart of the average Nigerian, and brings political pragmatism back into fashion.
There is a growing feeling among some political elders that it may be time these two architects sit on the same drawing board. For those close to the corridors of power, making this happen will be no small task—but then again, game-changing alliances never come cheap.
Why Kwankwaso Is Tinubu’s Best Bet for 2027
As 2027 approaches, Tinubu’s path to re-election will not be paved with incumbency alone. He will need:
– A revived North-West,
– A pacified North-Central,
– And a North-East that feels seen and heard.
In this matrix, Kwankwaso is the bridge—the man who can bring youth, clerics, civil servants, and market women to the same political altar.
He has unrivaled grassroots loyalty, a message that resonates with the poor, and an image unmarred by corruption scandals. His political scars are from battles fought—not deals made. He is respected even by his enemies.
Moreover, the presence of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, a protégé whose leadership in Kano has been widely praised for its focus on education, healthcare, and accountability, provides further moral weight to Kwankwaso’s image. This isn’t a godfather lording over a puppet—it’s a mentor standing beside a capable successor.
Convincing Kwankwaso to align will not be easy. It will demand humility from those who once opposed him, and boldness from those who truly seek to renew the party’s northern fortunes. Yet, this is the kind of herculean task that separates transactional politics from visionary strategy.
The Coalition Mirage vs. APC Reality
Some have urged Kwankwaso to pursue a new coalition of smaller parties to mount an alternative challenge in 2027. But Nigeria’s electoral mathematics makes that route perilous. Fragmented structures, uneven financing, and conflicting egos have always doomed such efforts.
By contrast, a well-negotiated return to the APC—now rid of Ganduje’s hostility—offers Kwankwaso a platform with:
– National presence,
– Executive access,
– And a chance to shape policy from within.
But more importantly, it would allow him to broker a new northern alliance within the party—one that reflects competence, not cronies.
And Tinubu, ever the strategist, knows the value of strong allies over loyal placeholders. He doesn’t need praise-singers. He needs doers. In Kwankwaso, he will find not just a partner but a peer.
A New Political Sunrise
Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The disillusionment of the electorate is deep. Hunger is rising, hope is thinning. What the country needs is not just a leader, but a renewal of trust in leadership.
Kwankwaso represents that possibility for the North—just as Tinubu once did for the South-West. Together, they can reshape the national discourse, refocus the agenda on development, youth empowerment, and infrastructure, and return Nigerian politics to a place of purpose, not just performance.
Final Words: The Red Cap and the Lion
In the imagery of politics, Kwankwaso’s red cap and Tinubu’s lion emblem are more than symbols. They are signals of identity, strength, and resilience. Together, they could represent a political renaissance.
The North, tired of transactional politics and hollow leadership, is again looking for a voice. And in this moment, there is none louder, clearer, or more credible than that of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
In the theatre of destiny, moments arise that demand bold choices, unlikely alliances, and visionary partnerships. The path to 2027 is not lit by certainty, but by courage. For President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there can be no greater show of foresight than extending his hand—not to flatterers, but to fellow builders. And for Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the time is ripe not just to return—but to rise.
Let the red cap meet the lion. Let North and South speak in one voice. Let the cynics scoff, but let the patriots act. For in the fusion of legacy and legitimacy, of structure and service, of purpose and power—Nigeria may yet witness a new dawn.
The crowd is watching. The moment is calling. And history, ever impatient, is ready to be written again. Whispers have already begun. Some knocks may soon reach his door. The question is not whether he’s needed—but whether he will answer.
Let the winds of 2027 begin to blow. Let history take its course. And let two of Nigeria’s most enduring architects of democracy forge a path not just to power—but to progress.
Lamara Garba Azare, a political analyst, writes from Kano.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
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