Opinion
Kwankwaso: The Northern Titan Tinubu Needs for 2027
By: Lamara Garba Azare
In the vast theatre of Nigerian politics, where loyalties shift like desert winds and alliances are often built on the fragile sands of expediency, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso remains a paradoxical figure—grounded yet mobile, underestimated yet ever-looming, regional yet national. His name echoes from the narrow alleys of Kano to the polished corridors of Abuja. And in the current recalibration of the political landscape, his relevance is not just intact—it is ascending.
As 2027 casts its early shadow on the horizon, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must begin to examine not only who stands beside him today, but who can help him conquer tomorrow. Among all the northern actors, one name rings with both history and hope: Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—engineer, former governor, former minister, presidential contender, and above all, a man of the people.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s political journey began long before the return to civilian rule in 1999. He was first elected into the Federal House of Representatives in 1992 under the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), during the short-lived Third Republic. Representing the Madobi Federal Constituency, he quickly rose to prominence and was elected Deputy Speaker of the House—a rare feat for a first-time legislator and a reflection of his charisma, competence, and political acumen even at a young age. Though the republic was cut short by the military, Kwankwaso’s early emergence laid the foundation for what would become a long, impactful political career spanning over three decades.
Kwankwaso vs. Ganduje: A Tale of Unequal Titans
The recent ouster of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje as APC National Chairman has stripped the ruling party of a man who was less a unifying figure and more a lightning rod for controversy. In truth, Ganduje’s political shadow was always smaller than his ambition. Since 2015, when he inherited Kano’s leadership from his former mentor, Ganduje spent more time fighting ghosts than building legacy.
In both the 2019 and 2023 elections, Ganduje’s electoral strength was tested—and found wanting. In 2019, he scraped through a victory marred by violence and a controversial rerun. By 2023, he had lost the state completely to Kwankwaso’s New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). It was a stunning reversal. The man he had once served as deputy and later sought to diminish had not only returned, but reclaimed Kano’s soul.
This contrast cannot be overstated. Where Ganduje represented self-preservation, Kwankwaso represents a movement. Where Ganduje lacked charisma and moral clarity, Kwankwaso commanded loyalty through ideas, sacrifice, and an unbroken connection to the grassroots.
The red cap of Kwankwasiyya is not just cloth; it is a statement of ideology, a badge of discipline, and a symbol of service.
And now, with Ganduje’s shadow gone, the political space is slowly being recalibrated. Even among top APC power brokers, quiet conversations are beginning to emerge—conversations that whisper one name, not in opposition, but in strategic admiration: Kwankwaso.
A Northern Giant in the National Equation
Since 1999, no political personality in Northern Nigeria has maintained relevance, respect, and regional command like Kwankwaso. From the days of the Fourth Republic, where he served as Governor under the PDP, to his time as Minister of Defence and later as a senator, Kwankwaso has always been a force unto himself—untamed, unbought, and unbowed.
When he returned to the PDP in 2018, he was met not with a red carpet but with resistance. The fight over the Northwest Zonal Chairmanship—particularly the betrayal by Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo and Governor Aminu Tambuwal—was a painful reminder that in Nigerian politics, past glory is no shield from present conspiracies.
Yet from those ashes, Kwankwaso rose again—this time on his own terms. The NNPP, a party once dismissed as fringe, became his new political cathedral. And in 2023, it delivered a seismic political upset, reclaiming Kano and sending shockwaves through the APC and PDP alike.
Tinubu and Kwankwaso: Twin Architects of Modern Nigerian Politics
There is a poetic symmetry between Tinubu and Kwankwaso, though they emerged from different regions. Both are engineers—Tinubu, a political one; Kwankwaso, a literal one. Both began their political ascent in 1999. Both shaped their regions with a mix of discipline, policy, and populist appeal. Both have been godfathers and gladiators, builders and reformers, thinkers and fighters.
In the South-West, Tinubu built Lagos into a political stronghold, produced governors, and designed strategies that eventually toppled a 16-year-old PDP rule. In the North, Kwankwaso built a grassroots machine so formidable that no governor after him has been able to ignore it—not even his archrival Ganduje, whose administration was haunted by Kwankwaso’s legacy.
In a country still divided by ethnic fault lines and regional calculations, these two men represent the possibility of a fusion: one that cuts across the Niger, speaks to the heart of the average Nigerian, and brings political pragmatism back into fashion.
There is a growing feeling among some political elders that it may be time these two architects sit on the same drawing board. For those close to the corridors of power, making this happen will be no small task—but then again, game-changing alliances never come cheap.
Why Kwankwaso Is Tinubu’s Best Bet for 2027
As 2027 approaches, Tinubu’s path to re-election will not be paved with incumbency alone. He will need:
– A revived North-West,
– A pacified North-Central,
– And a North-East that feels seen and heard.
In this matrix, Kwankwaso is the bridge—the man who can bring youth, clerics, civil servants, and market women to the same political altar.
He has unrivaled grassroots loyalty, a message that resonates with the poor, and an image unmarred by corruption scandals. His political scars are from battles fought—not deals made. He is respected even by his enemies.
Moreover, the presence of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, a protégé whose leadership in Kano has been widely praised for its focus on education, healthcare, and accountability, provides further moral weight to Kwankwaso’s image. This isn’t a godfather lording over a puppet—it’s a mentor standing beside a capable successor.
Convincing Kwankwaso to align will not be easy. It will demand humility from those who once opposed him, and boldness from those who truly seek to renew the party’s northern fortunes. Yet, this is the kind of herculean task that separates transactional politics from visionary strategy.
The Coalition Mirage vs. APC Reality
Some have urged Kwankwaso to pursue a new coalition of smaller parties to mount an alternative challenge in 2027. But Nigeria’s electoral mathematics makes that route perilous. Fragmented structures, uneven financing, and conflicting egos have always doomed such efforts.
By contrast, a well-negotiated return to the APC—now rid of Ganduje’s hostility—offers Kwankwaso a platform with:
– National presence,
– Executive access,
– And a chance to shape policy from within.
But more importantly, it would allow him to broker a new northern alliance within the party—one that reflects competence, not cronies.
And Tinubu, ever the strategist, knows the value of strong allies over loyal placeholders. He doesn’t need praise-singers. He needs doers. In Kwankwaso, he will find not just a partner but a peer.
A New Political Sunrise
Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The disillusionment of the electorate is deep. Hunger is rising, hope is thinning. What the country needs is not just a leader, but a renewal of trust in leadership.
Kwankwaso represents that possibility for the North—just as Tinubu once did for the South-West. Together, they can reshape the national discourse, refocus the agenda on development, youth empowerment, and infrastructure, and return Nigerian politics to a place of purpose, not just performance.
Final Words: The Red Cap and the Lion
In the imagery of politics, Kwankwaso’s red cap and Tinubu’s lion emblem are more than symbols. They are signals of identity, strength, and resilience. Together, they could represent a political renaissance.
The North, tired of transactional politics and hollow leadership, is again looking for a voice. And in this moment, there is none louder, clearer, or more credible than that of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
In the theatre of destiny, moments arise that demand bold choices, unlikely alliances, and visionary partnerships. The path to 2027 is not lit by certainty, but by courage. For President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there can be no greater show of foresight than extending his hand—not to flatterers, but to fellow builders. And for Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the time is ripe not just to return—but to rise.
Let the red cap meet the lion. Let North and South speak in one voice. Let the cynics scoff, but let the patriots act. For in the fusion of legacy and legitimacy, of structure and service, of purpose and power—Nigeria may yet witness a new dawn.
The crowd is watching. The moment is calling. And history, ever impatient, is ready to be written again. Whispers have already begun. Some knocks may soon reach his door. The question is not whether he’s needed—but whether he will answer.
Let the winds of 2027 begin to blow. Let history take its course. And let two of Nigeria’s most enduring architects of democracy forge a path not just to power—but to progress.
Lamara Garba Azare, a political analyst, writes from Kano.
Prof Abdalla Uba Adamu
I had previously pledged to close this focus from my repertoire. However, I think there is a need to further clarify one thing to friends and foes concerning my stand on the ongoing raging debate about ethnicity and identity in Hausalandia. I felt it is necessary because of two reasons.
First, some highly considered colleagues have started accusing me of “supporting” one faction, i.e. the Hausa Zalla faction, “despite you being a Fulani.” Second, Farooq Kperogi plans a diaspora debate on the issue and has asked for nominated speakers. My name kept popping up as a panelist. So, let’s clear the air.
I am NOT Hausa Zalla. I am NOT Fulani Zalla. I am NOT Hausa-Fulani Zalla.
I am Abdalla Zalla.
I stand on the side of the truth, no matter where it leans. I am not moved by emotions, but by cold, hard, scientific logic. Hard core evidence of arguments, not speculations or suppositions. Let me share a personal experience to explain how I evolved to where I am now.
My father was a historian. In writing his book, “Confluences and Influences: The Emergence of Kano as a City State,” I was tasked with typing the manuscript from his handwritten notes. In the process, I came across an argument that disturbed me. I printed it, and took to him for a second look. The following approximated the conversation we held.
“Kawu, can you read this passage and confirm its authenticity”
He took it, read it and said,
“What’s the problem?”
“Your argument! You wrote that “the Jihad in Kano was not justified”! Are you sure that’s what you want write?”
“Yes, that’s what I wanted to write. But, still, what’s the problem?”
“But you are Torodbe Fulani, and have been emphasizing that! Are you aware that people who read your book will consider this view sacrilegious?”
“So? That’s their problem not mine. I stand by the passage: the Jihad in Kano was not justified, at least on the basis of religion. Being a Torodbe should not blind me to the truth. And this one of the legacies I want to you to have from me.”
That was my epiphany moment. And I finished typing the manuscript, the book was published and was moderately successful. No one, to the best of my knowledge, challenged at least in print, the Kantoma’s interpretation of the Jihad in Kano. I take the old man’s counsel. Stand with the truth as I interpret and understand if. I perfectly accept different interpretations, but not forceful acceptance.
So far, all the data I have at my disposal points to one incontrovertible fact: Hausa ethnic group existed for centuries. The archeological data supports it, all the way from the Republic of Niger to southern Zaria.
Another cold fact was the recorded arrival of Islam at least in Kano after 1349 and before 1380. Sarki Ali Yaji, who accepted Islam, declared war on those who did not—thus waging the FIRST Jihad in West Africa.
Now, where things get interesting was the view that he and those who accepted Islam retain their Hausa identity. Those who did not accept Islam were declassified from Hausa identity and were classified, by the Muslims, as Maguzawa. But who did this? Certainly not the Hausa themselves.
But they are still Hausa. Being Christians/Animists does not erase their identity. And what about the New Humanists? Regular Muslim Hausa folk who suddenly became atheists or agnostics? Do they also suddenly cease to become Hausa? Thus, when you look closely at this definition of Hausaness being bandied about, it becomes questionable. That a Hausa person is he who is living in Hausalandia, is a Muslim and speaks the Hausa language.
The authority for their Hausaness of the Maguzawa (man, I HATE this label) was Paul Krusius. He was an early 20th-century German ethnographer and scholar who authored one of the foundational academic studies on the Maguzawa whom he described as the non-Muslim, animist Hausa people. His 1915 monograph, (Die Maguzawa) The Maguzawa. Trans by Gisela Seidensticker-Brikay remains a primary historical source for anthropologists and Africanists studying pre-Islamic Hausa culture, religion (Bori and Maguzanci), and the socio-religious dynamics of Northern Nigeria.
Therefore, the Maguzawa, who never actually refer themselves as such, are Hausa, but non-Muslim. Being Hausa refers to shared culture, language (Hausa), history, and heritage, regardless of faith. These attributes don’t disappear simply because they are not Muslims. In Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and many other places, there are millions of Christian Arabs. Does their Christianity erase their Arabness? If not, why should being non-Muslim erase Hausa identity?
The Fulani appeared in Hausalandia in the middle of 15th century. Before their arrival, kingdoms with Muslim structures had existed for centuries. Their proliferation led to intermarriages with the local Hausa women. This is fine and wonderful. However, the products of such marriage do not create a new ethnicity. Thus, the term Hausa-Fulani is primarily a socio-political and regional designator rather than a single homogeneous ethnic group created purely by intermarriage. Such products speak principally the language of Hausalandia. BUT if they decide to become Christians, which part of the hyphenated do they lose?
As such, intermarriage between two ethnic groups does not “cancel” or erase either underlying ethnicity. Ethnicity is a fluid socio-cultural construct based on language, history, geographic lineage, and shared identity—not a biological sum that automatically resets to zero.
So, once more, I am informing all friends, foes and those on the edge, I do not belong to any of the current Zalla movements. I will therefore decline any invitation to be part of any panel discussion on this, with all due apologies to my proposed nomination.
To make it easy for you to understand, I affirm my view that the Hausa ethnic group exists. Maguzawa however they are labeled, are Hausa and are real. That religion is not a factor in determining ethnicity. That you can be in Russia and still be Hausa if you are Hausa and from Hausalandia.
I belong to Gaskiya Zalla. No matter where the needle turns and points.
Abdalla Zalla.
Abdalla Uba Adamu is a professor of media and cultural studies at Faculty of Communication, Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
Binta Bala, PhD
Thirty-five years ago, on August 18, 1991, I walked into the Kano State Ministry of Education as a Grade Level 03 Laboratory Attendant, armed with an SSCE certificate, hope and a determination to build a meaningful career.
Today, August 18, 2026, I close that chapter of my life as a substantive Director on Grade Level 16, having served in charge of Persons with Special Needs.
When I look back at the journey, the first words that come to my mind are: Alhamdulillah. Alhamdulillah.
My career was never simply about climbing the civil service ladder. It was a journey marked by dreams, challenges, learning, perseverance and, above all, service to humanity.
I am a woman living with a physical disability and a survivor of polio. I walk with the support of a walking stick, but I have never allowed my physical condition to define who I am or determine what I can achieve.
There were obstacles. There were difficult moments. There were times when the journey demanded more courage than I thought I possessed. But I refused to surrender.
I resisted. I persevered. I kept moving forward.
My walking stick supported my steps, but it was faith, determination, education, courage and resilience that carried me through the larger journey. I chose to concentrate on my abilities rather than my limitations.
That decision changed my life.
After 35 years of service, I retire with a PhD and the privilege of having served as a pioneer Director in charge of Persons with Special Needs under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs, Kano State.
For me, this is more than a career achievement. It is a testimony that disability is not inability.
Circumstances may influence the road we travel, but they do not necessarily determine our destination.
My family, my colleagues
I owe a profound debt of gratitude to my family. Thank you for your love, sacrifices, prayers and unwavering support. Thank you for believing in my abilities rather than allowing my disability to become the focus of my identity.
To my colleagues, mentors, friends and well-wishers, I say thank you for making the journey easier and more meaningful.
To every child, woman and person with special needs whose life we have had the privilege of touching, I also say thank you.
You taught me resilience, courage and the true meaning of service. You reminded me every day why inclusion matters.
My greatest reward has never been the positions I attained. It has been the opportunity to serve humanity, promote inclusion, challenge barriers and contribute, in whatever way I could, to improving the lives of others.
A message to persons with disabilities
My journey carries a message for every person who has ever been told, directly or indirectly, that they cannot succeed because of a disability.
Do not give up. Believe in yourself. Keep moving.
Your limitation does not have to become the limit of your destiny.
I know what it means to encounter barriers. I also know what it means to overcome them. The journey may be difficult, but difficulty should never be mistaken for impossibility.
Asking for forgiveness
As I retire from active public service, I wish to sincerely apologise to everyone I may have offended, disappointed or wronged during the course of my career, whether knowingly or unknowingly.
I ask for your forgiveness and understanding.
At the same time, I wholeheartedly forgive everyone who may have wronged, offended or hurt me throughout my career.
I choose to leave the past with a peaceful heart and move into the next chapter with gratitude, forgiveness and goodwill.
The work continues
Retirement from active public service does not mean retirement from the cause of inclusion.
Kano will always have my support and goodwill. My commitment to the protection, inclusion and empowerment of persons with disabilities remains strong.
I therefore appeal to all stakeholders to continue the work of safeguarding and empowering persons with disabilities.
My door remains open. The work must continue.
I hand the baton to you all.
As I close this chapter, I thank Allah, my family, colleagues, mentors, friends and everyone who contributed to this remarkable journey.
I say nagode, nagode.
Alhamdulillah bi ni‘imatihi tatimmus-salihat.
May Allah accept the service, forgive the shortcomings and bless the next chapter.
Thirty-five years of service.
One remarkable journey.
A lifetime of gratitude.
Alhamdulillah.
Binta Bala, PhD is a apioneer Director in charge of Persons with Special Needs under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs, Kano State.
Opinion
Kano State Out-of-School Children Survey Report 2026: From Evidence to Impact — A Roadmap For Educational Development
Dr Auwalu Halilu
The Kano State Accountability Forum on Education (K-SAFE) warmly congratulates the Kano State Government, the Ministry of Education and its development partners on the successful completion and presentation of the Kano State Out-of-School Children (OOSC) Household Survey Report 2026.
The conduct of this comprehensive survey across the 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State represents an important milestone in the state’s efforts to address one of its most critical educational challenges. The availability of credible, disaggregated and geographically specific data provides Kano State with a stronger evidence base for planning, resource allocation, implementation, monitoring and accountability.
The findings demand urgent and sustained action. The survey estimates that 13.34 per cent of children aged 5–18 are out of school, representing approximately 875,593 children across Kano State. It further demonstrates significant disparities among Local Government Areas and identifies multiple barriers relating to poverty and financial constraints, school-related factors, family and cultural circumstances, child-related factors, distance and other structural challenges.
Particularly encouraging is the finding that 99.6 per cent of caregivers consider children’s education important or very important. This provides a powerful basis for action. It demonstrates that the challenge is not simply a lack of parental demand for education but is strongly connected to accessibility, affordability, quality, retention and the capacity of the education system to respond to the circumstances of vulnerable children and families.
K-SAFE, therefore, calls on the Kano State Government and all education stakeholders to ensure that this important survey does not end as a report but becomes a roadmap for coordinated action to drastically reduce and ultimately eliminate the phenomenon of out-of-school children in Kano State.
K-SAFE priorities
1. Make basic education truly compulsory and accessible
Kano State should strengthen the implementation and enforcement of compulsory basic education while simultaneously addressing the barriers that prevent children from enrolling, attending and completing school. Enforcement should therefore go hand in hand with practical measures that make education accessible, affordable, safe, inclusive and attractive to children and their families.
2. Prioritise high-burden LGAs and communities
The survey reveals major geographical disparities in OOSC rates. Government interventions should, therefore, be data-driven, with immediate attention given to LGAs, wards and communities with the highest OOSC burden. Resources should be targeted according to identified needs rather than applying uniform interventions across all communities.
3. Strengthen SUBEB and the formal basic education system
The Kano State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) should be further strengthened to expand access, improve school infrastructure, provide adequate teachers and learning materials, strengthen school-level monitoring and improve the overall quality of basic education.
Particular attention should be given to school proximity, teacher availability, retention and transition.
4. Expand and strengthen non-formal and alternative education
Formal schooling alone cannot adequately respond to the diverse circumstances of all out-of-school children. The Kano State Agency for Mass Education (SAME) should, therefore, receive increased institutional, financial, human and material support to expand flexible and community-based non-formal education programmes, literacy centres, second-chance education and vocational learning opportunities.
5. Strengthen Qur’anic, Tsangaya and Islamiyya education integration
The relevant board responsible for Qur’anic, Islamiyya and Tsangaya education should be adequately supported to strengthen the integration of Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN), basic education, life skills and vocational competencies into appropriate Qur’anic and Tsangaya learning environments.
This is particularly important considering the survey’s findings concerning children attending Tsangaya/Almajiri schools and the significant representation of boys among the OOSC population.
**6. Promote technical, vocational and employability skills**
The Science and Technical Schools Board and other relevant technical and vocational education institutions should be strategically engaged in providing flexible skills-development pathways for older out-of-school children, adolescents and young people.
Non-formal education should go beyond basic literacy and numeracy to include vocational skills, entrepreneurship, digital literacy, financial literacy and employability competencies that can support young people in transitioning into productive livelihoods.
**7. Address the economic and social barriers to education**
The survey demonstrates that the OOSC challenge is multidimensional. Education interventions should, therefore, be linked with social protection, poverty reduction, school feeding where feasible, community mobilisation, child protection, livelihood support and other measures that address the underlying conditions pushing children out of school.
**8. Establish a strong OOSC monitoring and accountability framework**
The 2026 survey should serve as a baseline for continuous monitoring. Kano State should establish an integrated OOSC tracking mechanism linking the Ministry of Education, SUBEB, SAME, relevant Qur’anic/Tsangaya education authorities, technical education institutions, Local Government structures, traditional institutions, civil society organisations and development partners.
### A collective responsibility
K-SAFE believes that Kano State now has an important opportunity to move decisively from evidence to policy, from policy to implementation, and from implementation to measurable results.
Every child identified by this survey represents more than a statistic. Each represents a future that can be transformed through appropriate education, skills, protection and opportunity.
We, therefore, congratulate the Kano State Government and Ministry of Education on this important achievement and call upon all stakeholders—including government agencies, development partners, civil society organisations, traditional and religious leaders, communities, parents and the private sector—to utilise the findings to build a coordinated and adequately resourced response.
The data are now available. The barriers are clearer. **The priority must now be action.**
Together, Kano State can substantially reduce the number of out-of-school children and progressively ensure that every child has access to quality basic education, alternative learning opportunities and relevant skills for productive citizenship and sustainable livelihoods.
Congratulations to the Kano State Government and the Ministry of Education on this important milestone.
Dr Auwalu Halilu
Co-Chair (CSOs), Kano State Accountability Forum on Education (K-SAFE).
Darul Arkam school honours pioneer principal for six years of meritorious service
CSACEFA Kano Re-Elects Hassan Gama as State Coordinator
Gov. Yusuf Calls for Repositioning of Home Economics Education for Job Creation
Justice Abdullahi Mahmud Bayero of Court of Appeal Dies in Egypt
Hausa Day: Gov. Yusuf hails Hausa language, culture as pillars of African unity
Kano Assembly passes bill to regulate private school fees
Former BON chair Sa’a Ibrahim appointed to advertising offences tribunal
Kano State Out-of-School Children Survey Report 2026: From Evidence to Impact — A Roadmap For Educational Development
Malika International Academy Honours Outstanding Pupils at 2026 Graduation, Prize-Giving Ceremony
