Opinion
Dangote Refinery: Finally, a Solution Nigeria Can’t Import!
By Abiodun Alade
If there’s one burning question on the minds of Nigerians these days, it’s this: why are we paying between N1,000 and N1,500 for a litre of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS)?
Sadly, the very people who should be explaining this strange new reality have decided to stay tight-lipped with heads buried in the sand like ostriches. Meanwhile, those who have been milking the country’s oil wealth while keeping its four refineries comatose – have been busy peddling a lot of dubious narratives to discredit Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Apparently, some people would rather pull the wool over our eyes than let us see the real picture.
Let’s get one thing straight: the Dangote Refinery is not to blame for the price of PMS in Nigeria. In fact, without this refinery, we might be staring at petrol prices as high as N2,500 a litre – just like the recent strident gloomy predictions from oil marketers and analysts.
The real culprits in this price mess are the oil cabals and their cosy friends at the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL). These folks are busy trying to spin the tale that locally refined products are somehow more expensive than imported fuel, which, in their view, justifies the ongoing need to import fuel and keep those highly subsidised prices intact. Let’s pause for a moment and ask: since when did importing fuel become a better deal than refining it locally? That’s like paying extra for a loaf of bread because someone else baked it in their oven… miles away.
As with all global refineries, the Dangote Petroleum Refinery doesn’t set pump prices for petroleum products. Those decisions, much to the chagrin of the refinery’s critics, are based on market dynamics, government policies, and, the influence of some very powerful individuals. The real reason for the recent hike in petrol prices is a simple equation: subsidy removal plus the floating of the Naira.
As recently as August, reports showed that the NNPCL was selling petrol at half the actual cost of imported fuel. Officially, the pump price was N568 per litre, but the true landing cost was a shocking N1,100 per litre. So, the NNPC was generously “subsidising” fuel imports by almost N600 per litre – subsidising, that is, until the entire scheme became too expensive to sustain. So, naturally, prices were hiked to N855 per litre.
And here’s the kicker: the Federal Government racked up an eye-watering N5.1 trillion in under-recovery and energy security expenses on fuel imports in 2023. Guess where that money came from? The same pockets that should have been filled with healthcare, education, and infrastructure funds. Instead, we were left with an empty wallet and a bill that was too big to ignore.
Meanwhile, on the other side of the world, Guyana – the third-smallest sovereign state in the world, is generously handing out $100,000 cash grants to its adult citizens as part of its oil boom, while Nigeria – the most populous black nation on Earth – is amassing foreign debt to pay for fuel subsidies.
If the pricing template used to offset imported petrol costs was applied to products from Dangote Refinery, the price of petrol could be much lower than what we’re seeing today – possibly as low as N500 per litre. That’s right, N500. But of course, the government, apparently has decided not to restore the subsidies. After all, what was once intended as relief for the people has now turned into a siphoning operation.
According to a report by The Guardian Newspapers in October, oil marketers are making an extra 48% profit by smuggling petrol out of Nigeria to neighbouring countries, where the price is far higher. In Mali, the price is N2,266 per litre, in Cote d’Ivoire it’s N2,289, in Cameroon N2,196, and in Benin Republic N1,779. No surprises there, then, that daily PMS consumption in Nigeria keeps rising. And if the oil cabals get their way, we’ll be looking at a whopping 103 million litres per day – just like we saw in 2022.
The government is, understandably, trying to keep local prices aligned with those in neighbouring countries to curb smuggling. But honestly, until the greedy cabals are shown the red card and we finally declare that “business as usual” is over, the government strategy is dead on arrival.
While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Naira-for-Crude initiative is certainly a step in the right direction, the floating of the Naira is still keeping petrol prices stubbornly high. Why? Crude oil is priced in dollars, so domestic refiners, including the Dangote Refinery, are still paying the exact dollar amount for crude, but now in Naira. And when you convert dollar to Naira, it’s expensive. For instance, a mere $90 per barrel now translates to over N150,000.
Currently, a litre of Nigerian crude costs between N890 and N910, before factoring in refining and logistics costs. So, what’s the magic number? How much can a refinery – domestic or foreign – realistically sell a litre of refined petrol for? That’s the million-naira question!
With the Naira-for-Crude policy, the expectation is that the Naira will stabilise over time. If that happens, petrol prices should eventually fall. Imagine, if the Naira strengthens to N1,000 to the dollar – the price of petrol could drop significantly. That’s what every genuine, patriotic Nigerian should be rooting for – not chasing after mythical dollars that only serve to put more pressure on the Naira.
The Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, proudly stated that the government would earn about N700 billion monthly from the sale of crude in Naira and from the subsidy removal policies, compared to the $600 million it was previously spending on fuel imports. So, let’s do the math: one option helps the people, the other helps the oil cartels. No prizes for guessing which one benefits Nigeria in the long run.
Of course, the oil cabals won’t see the benefits because it will take away their free access to wealth, allowing them to continue living their best lives. Isn’t it funny that these same marketers who have been crying about petrol prices because of a lack of local refining capacity are now saying it’s cheaper to import fuel than to refine it here? Where were they when the government was doling out trillions for the turnaround maintenance of refineries? Suddenly, the landing cost of imports, which was as high as N1,400 per litre, has magically dropped to under N1,000. How convenient!
It’s clear that the cartels have been blending off-spec fuel while collecting subsidies for “premium” products. Or perhaps they’ve been stealing crude and blending it abroad – after all, crude theft in Nigeria is a well-known business, especially when it’s done using large vessels under the radar.
Already, Nigerians are seeing the benefits of the Dangote Petroleum Refinery in reducing the prices of other petroleum products like diesel and aviation fuel by over 45% and 35% respectively. Naturally, this earned Dangote a fair bit of flak from the oil cabals, who promptly wrote to President Tinubu, complaining that this “patriotic man” was ruining their business by alleviating the suffering of the people. Whoever knew that doing something good for the public could be so controversial?
Nevertheless, we’re confident that a similar reduction in PMS prices will follow once local refining capacity is fully embraced and stakeholders start putting Nigeria’s interests ahead of their own pockets. After all, if it works for diesel and aviation fuel, surely it’s not too much to ask that petrol prices follow suit – unless, of course, the oil cartels have a different agenda.
The Dangote Petroleum Refinery has chosen to rise above the noise, urging all stakeholders to put the nation’s progress and the welfare of its people above personal gains. Unfortunately, some prefer to keep spreading falsehoods about a private investment that is designed to propel Nigeria towards economic self-sufficiency.
For those still sceptical, I’ll say this: the Aliko Dangote I know is not the type to bow to propaganda, hate, or lies – especially when it’s all in defence of Nigeria’s national interest and the development of Africa.
Abiodun writes from Lagos
Opinion
Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Opinion
Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
