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Opinion

Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded

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Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu

 

 

As we enter into ‘will they, will they not’ mode of uncertainty typical of Nigerian public culture about the change of Nigerian higher currency denominations announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on 25th October 2022, my mind went back to an article I wrote on 16th April 2007. This was in the wake of the removal of “Arabic inscriptions” on the Nigerian currency (the Naira) on 28th February 2007 in the new currency notes that removed the Ajami (Hausa written in Arabic script) writing that indicated the denomination of the respective currency note and replaced with the Latin alphabet. This is a ‘remix’ of that posting on the then popular platforms of Blogspot. Mine was called Nishadin Hululu (Hausa Popular Culture). 

The full historical overview of how the Arabic “script” came to become part of essentially northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa educational package is given in Manuscript Learnability and Indigenous Knowledge for Development – Hausa Ajami in Historical Context. A version is available at https://bit.ly/3zoi7XN.

I rarely bother to visit Nigerian “Naija” websites on the web or any other group of politically motivated Nigerians. I know what I will find — the usual vituperative tirade against northern Nigerians, Muslims, Hausa, ad nauseum. Southern Nigerians have three fundamental articles in their crusade against northern Nigeria: Islamic fanaticism, conservative feudalism and their weird perception of “born to rule” syndrome apparently held by the ‘northerners’. No matter how many groups of Nigerians you interact with, these three form the main focus of the divide in Nigeria. They are the main reasons why Nigerian “unity” is virtually impossible.

I doubt if there is any other group of Africans who hang out their ethnic dirty laundry like Nigerians. I accept, for the most part such ranting is probably not personal; they are basically religious – the Christian versus Muslim divide, rather than any feeling of superiority of one ethnic group over the other. Any such feelings of superiority are part of a religious template that sees acquisition of education as the central criteria for judging the value of a whole people. Thus education, not religion, is the central fulcrum around which the Nigerian nation wobbles.

Southern Nigerian acquired education through Christian Missionary activities from about 1849. Such education became the mainstay of acquiring Westernized modernity. Inevitably Western education brought by Christian missionaries to Nigeria became equated with Western Christian values. For the most part, Christian southern Nigerians are happy with this because it makes them “civilized” — in the absence of any cherished antecedent cultural values. Thus, any other worldview is considered barbaric.

Northern Nigerians, specifically the Hausa and the Kanuri acquired education through conversion to Islam since 1250 and in Kanuri kingdom, even earlier. The constant eddy of scholars from north African learning centers throughout 14th to 17th centuries ensured a sustained scholastic tradition in Muslim northern Nigeria. Muslim northern Nigerians therefore had a longer exposure to the concept of formalized learning and literacy than southern Nigerians. A universal basic education was indeed introduced around 1464 in the city of Kano when new methods of indigenizing the Arabic script to Hausa phonology were created. This led to the creation of a novel way of writing out Hausa language in a script the young scholars will understand. It is this method of indigenizing Arabic script to Hausa language that became “ajami”. It became one of the main ways of educating young pupils in northern Nigeria. Do you remember all those “Almajirai” you see in northern Nigerian cities? Well, most are fluent in ajami writing. Currently, the most prominent modern Hausa political singer (though not the most talented or likeable), Dauda “Rarara” Adamu Kahutu, has an extensive catalogue of his songs all written Ajami which he reads as he records in the studio.

Ajami, therefore, is any literacy strategy in which any language is written in Arabic. Over 50 languages are currently written in the script. Let us look at the parallel sphere. If any African language is written in Latin characters, it can be called Ajami. Ajami is not Islamic; any more than Latin alphabets are Christian.

However, in a new era of reform, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) decided to remove the “Arabic” script from the Nigerian currency in new currency notes launched on 28th February 2007. The removal of ajami script on the Nigerian currency reflected the deep-rooted religious divide that is Nigeria, because the Arabic script was seen as religious – and Nigeria is considered a secular country. This equates Arabic with Islam – ignoring the huge number of Arab Christians that exist throughout the Middle East.

The logic of the removal of the what the Nigerian economic establishment call “Arabic inscription” on the Nigerian currency given by the Nigerian Government was premised on using a Latin inscription that is available to all Nigerians (even if in mutually exclusive languages), rather than an exclusive script tied down to a particular religious culture. According to the then Governor of CBN, Professor Chukwuma Soludo during a sensitization visit to the Sultan of Sokoto,

“I will also like to inform you that the removal of the Arabic inscription on the notes is not targeted at any group or religion but rather to promote our language and cultural heritage…As you can see, Naira is the symbol of our nationalism and our pride. It is pertinent to let you understand that Arabic is not one of our national languages and it was inscribed on the notes forty years ago because the majority of people then, can read it in the northern part of the country to the detriment of their counterparts in the South (ThisDay, 16th February 2007, posted to the web 19th February 2007 at https://bit.ly/3TQ4FEw.

Similarly, the CBN issued a rebuttal to the controversies by stating that the “de-ajamization” was to “conform (to) Section 55 of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises four languages, English, Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba as medium of conducting government businesses.” After all, as they claimed, after forty years of Western education, most people in Nigeria should be able to recognize the Roman inscriptions. This, we believe, can strengthen our unity by ensuring equity and fairness. Indeed, the replacement was done in national interest and the desire to comply with the Constitution of the country.”

But how can national unity be attained when still a large proportion of the country is marginalized? To prevent this marginalization, the British colonial administration introduced the Ajami letters on the first Nigerian modernized currencies, well aware of the large gap in education – and therefore ability to read and understand Latin characters on the country’s currency notes. An example was the £1 note.

“Fam daya” was prominently written to enable those literate in Ajami, but not Latin alphabet to identify the currency.

It is interesting that a main argument was that the presence of ajami on Nigerian currency was seen to the “detrimental” to southern Nigerians (who presumably do not understand it) – yet the inclusion of Latin alphabet is not seen as detrimental to non-Roman literate northern Nigerians (especially non-Muslim Hausa, who presumably do not understand it). In this warped logic, it is therefore easier to alienate Muslim Hausa northern Nigerians than southern Nigerians, especially since a Christian was the President of the country (and a Christian Governor of the Central Bank facilitated the alienation). Of course, when a Muslim becomes the President, the arguments might be revisited – and reversed; which another subsequent Christian president will also revisit, and so on endlessly. Farooq Kperogi actually imagined a nightmare scenario that might come out of this in 2022 at https://bit.ly/3TOt2T1.

The inclusion of the script on the Nigerian currency by the British colonial administration was an acknowledgement of the rich literary heritage of a vast number of people in Nigeria who could not read the Latin   script– and not a strategy to impose Islam on anyone in Nigeria. Certainly, the British colonial administration had no reason to propagate Islam. Yet on the currencies circulated by the same administration the “Arabic inscription” was conspicuously present. This was maintained subsequently until 2007, when the despised Arabic inscription was removed and replaced with the much-loved Latin ‘inscription’. An example with ₦50 illustrates this.

The ₦50 with the ‘Arabic inscription’ of Ajami merely indicating that it is fifty naira in Hausa. In the redesigned ₦50, the Roman name for the Hausa was ‘naira hamsin’ instead of the Ajamized ‘hamsin’ in the old note. Yet, ‘hamsin’ means fifty in Arabic! So, like it or not, Arabic still remains on the naira. To get rid of it, you have to get rid of the Hausa language entirely, since about almost 45% of Hausa words are based on Arabic language.

Further, other multicultural countries do pay such homage to multiple literacies in their currency notes. The Indian currency, for instance, has 15 language scripts, including Urdu (ajami) – despite Arabic not being part of its national languages.

And while not explicitly stated, the links made by the Nigerian economic establishment with Arabic to Islam seems to be part of a move to “de-Islamize” Nigeria – scoring a cheap point particularly in the way most northern Nigerian States re-introduced Islamic Shari’a in their governance from 1999 led by Zamfara State, and the earlier issue of Nigeria’s membership of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in January 1986, which the Nigerian Christian (as well as Marxist Muslim) groups were against.

We look forward to the new currency notes in December 2022.

Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu is the professor of science education and media and cultural studies.

This piece was first published on his Facebook account.

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Opinion

A Family of Huffaz: The Remarkable Legacy of Professor Salisu Shehu

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Saleh Adamu Kwaru

 

Prof. Salisu Shehu’s academic career is marked by a series of significant achievements that reflect his commitment to scholarly excellence. He has held various academic positions, contributing to the development of curricula and educational programs that emphasize critical thinking and ethical reasoning. He is celebrated for his excellence, perseverance, and hard work. He not only enhances every responsibility he takes on but also transforms tasks to provide better service. When confronted with a seemingly impossible challenge, Prof. Salisu finds a way to make it achievable.

 

However, beyond his academic and professional accomplishments, there are hidden treasures in Prof. Salisu’s life, particularly within the confines of his home. Navigating through his home reveals the hard work and dedication to nurturing a family grounded in Islamic knowledge and values. Recently, he hosted a Walima to celebrate the remarkable achievement of his seven children, all of whom have memorized the entire Qur’an. Among them is Ummu Sulaim’s extraordinary achievement of memorizing 20,000 ahadith. Before these remarkable children, the older siblings had already achieved similar successes.

 

These accomplishments are not mere coincidences; they stem from scholarly guidance, strong parenting, and mentorship, as well as the supportive and enriching environment that Prof. Shehu has cultivated at home. This dedication and success attest to Allah’s statement: “And those who strive for Us – We will surely guide them to Our ways. And indeed, Allah is with the doers of good.” (29:69).

 

Prof. Salisu’s parenting philosophy is grounded in instilling a solid foundation of Islamic knowledge and values, which has clearly borne fruit in his children’s achievements. It is also on record that all the children have excelled in their academic pursuits, with some breaking graduation records. These children have ventured into various fields of knowledge, including law, medicine, science, and other critical areas of study. This remarkable feat highlights the importance of determination and dedication in the pursuit of knowledge. As stated in the Qur’an, “And say, ‘My Lord, increase me in knowledge’” (Qur’an 20:114).

 

The influence of Prof. Shehu’s family extends beyond their academic and spiritual achievements. The family’s home environment is characterized by a culture of continuous learning, mutual respect, and a commitment to community service. Prof. Salisu’s wives have played instrumental roles in nurturing their children and instilling values of discipline, empathy, and resilience. The family’s unity and shared values have created a nurturing space where each member can thrive and contribute positively to society.

 

As a respected academic and leader, he has played a pivotal role in the development of educational institutions and has served as a mentor to numerous aspiring professionals. His legacy is characterized by a commitment to instilling values of hard work, firmness, and faith in future generations. As John C. Maxwell said “A leader is one who knows the way, goes the way and shows the way”, Prof. Shehu’s mentorship and outreach programs have empowered many young scholars to pursue their academic and professional aspirations, creating a ripple effect of positive change within the community.

 

Truly, Prof. Salisu’s journey is not just about his own achievements; it also highlights the influence of his values and principles on those around him. The inspiring journey serves as a compelling case study in the intersection of personal success, decent, humble life devoted to serving humanity. His legacy is one of inspiring future generations to strive for excellence and to contribute positively to society. In Sahih Al-Bukhari, the Prophet (May Allah’s Peace and blessings be upon him) said ‘All of you are guardians and are responsible for your subjects. The ruler is a guardian and is responsible for his subjects; a man is a guardian of his family and is responsible for his subjects; a woman is a guardian in her husband’s home and is responsible for her subjects’. This hadith underscores the importance of fulfilling one’s duties and being accountable for those we care for, whether in positions of authority or within our families.

 

Indeed, if there is a life worthy of emulation and practice, it is that of Prof Salisu Shehu, Walin Tabawa Balewa. His unwavering principles and ethical standards serve as a model for integrity, excellence and devotion. Embracing the values and lessons from his life can guide us towards making meaningful contributions in our own endeavors and striving to create a better world for future generations.

 

Allah Ya karawa Wali lafiya da jinkiri mai alkhari.

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Opinion

IGP tenure elongation may spell doom on national security, Human rights lawyer Dantani raises alarm

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A human rights lawyer, Hamza Nuhu Dantani Esq, has faulted the National Assembly passage of the Police Act which paved the way for the tenure elongation of Inspector General of Police, IGP Kayode Egbetokun.

The human rights activist insisted the IGP’s tenure extension, the sequel to President Bola Tinubu’s bidding for Egbetokun to remain in office till the end of 2027, may have far-reaching consequences on national security.

In a petition issued on Friday, Barrister Dantani worried about the action of the National Assembly, which he said has disrupted the leadership system in the police force, undermined the constitution, and eroded public trust in governance.

That apart, Dantani lamented the action of the President to extend Egbetokun’s stay in office amounted to a glaring example of nepotism and disenchantment to morale and career progression in officers.

Citing the provisions of the laws guiding the appointment and tenure of the IGP in Nigeria, Barrister Dantani insisted the extension of Egbetokun’s service may temper with national unity.

In particular, the human rights activist referenced sections 7 and 18 (8) of the Police Act. 2020, which stipulated the age of retirement, reminded the Federal lawmakers to contravene the provisions of the act with IGP Egbetokun’s extension.

The controversial amendment of the Police Act by the National Assembly in favour of an individual violates the sanctity of the rule of law, particularly equality before the law, Barrister Dantani submitted.

“No officer shall be allowed to remain in service after attaining the retirement age of 60 years or 35 years of pensionable service whichever is earlier. Mr Egbetokun was born on September 4, 1964, and by arithmetic computation, clocked the mandatory retirement age of 60 in September 2024.

“He is also not covered by the provision of (iii) above, as he is neither a judicial officer nor an academician. The implication of the foregoing is that, by operation of law, IGP Egbetokun, who had reached the mandatory retirement age of 60, should have retired from the Nigerian Police Force and consequently from his position as the IGP by effluxion of time”. Dantani worried.

He lamented how the national assembly reduced the power of the presidency despite the separation of power to amend the police Act for the sake of Egbetokun’s extension in office.

“Specifically, on July 23, 2024, the National Assembly led by Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas hastily passed the Bill to amend the Police Act 2020 in record time.

“Earlier that day, the House of Representatives had approved the Police Act Amendment Bill to allow the Office of the IGP occupant to remain in office until the end of the term stipulated in his or her appointment letter.

“On the same day, the Senate also took the same action following an appeal by the presidency that Kayode Egbetokun, the IGP, be allowed to continue serving his four-year term in office even though he had attained the compulsory retirement age of 60 on September 4, 20204.

“The Executive Bill sought to amend Section 18 of the Police Act 2020 to allow an officer appointed as the IGP to serve beyond the current limit of 35 years in service or the age of 60. The Bill proposed to create a new section 18(8A) to enable the IGP to stay longer than 35 years in service and 60 years of age, whichever comes first”.

The human rights activist posited the decision to extend the IGP’s tenure has effectively blocked the advancement of other senior officers next in line for leadership roles while stagnating junior officers.

He called on the President to prioritize merit and competence over personal affiliations in appointments and promotions in the police force added that Institutions thrive when individuals are selected based on their qualifications and capabilities, not their connections.

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Opinion

Kperogi: A captive of raw emotions

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Professor Aliyu Barau

 

In adding my voice to the latest Kperogi’s punch on the Emir of Kano MSII; I opt to go the way of science. Scientists deploy tools such as ‘research questions’ to find answers for what is unknown and use ‘research hypothesis’ on things which little is known about both in theory and practice. Examples of research questions could be: ‘can influential individuals help the government’s economic policies?’; or ‘can an Emir speak openly in a democratic setting? Examples of research hypotheses could be: ‘Kperogi is a confused academic and journalist’; or ‘Kperogi is not a sadist academic.’ After conducting a study scientists find answers to the research questions through multiple opinions, perspectives, and contexts that deepen our understanding. For research hypotheses, we accept or reject whether Kperogi is indeed a sadist or not, a confused academic/journalist or not. If you profess professorship, you must divorce sentiments. Kperogi’s overloaded bag of insults are unguided by science or decent knowledge. For him, English is a language and a rough and raw tool to misinform the uninformed living in the neo-Babel Tower.

According to myths, arrogance and ignorance made humans build the Tower of Babel to outsmart God. Then, God avenged by sowing confusion and strife among them by making them speak different languages. When humans cannot understand each other bitterness flourishes. Thus, language underpins conflicts and is a strong weapon of disseminating misinformation and disinformation. On the other hand, the Ivory Tower is the rendezvous of knowledge, though an idiom – to ‘live in the Ivory Tower’ denotes being inexperienced or disconnected from the world realities. Nigeria is a Babel Tower in its own right and its Ivory Tower is both amazing and disgusting. Kperogi belongs to both towers – one for a curse and the other for a cause.

I am prompted to pick holes in the ways Kperogi takes a swipe on Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano. Of course, I am not raising a firewall to fortify the Emir. It is apparent that Sanusi has been in the crosshairs of Kperogi – who lays siege looking for any possible angle to strike. I am particularly distressed by the hideous and superficial scholarship that Professor Kperogi personifies. In 2022, I felt it was compelling to respond to Kperogi’s nonsense when he shamelessly threatened to renounce his Nigerian citizenship should Tinubu emerge as Nigeria’s President. I don’t think Kperogi is the right person to write about the rift between Tinubu and Sanusi because both of them are clowns in the sight of his pen. I know it is not a repentance, and I hope it is not a means to curry favour with Tinubu’s camp. Writing on Sanusi’s Lagos outburst, I expect Kperogi to be deeply critical and analytical.

Academics and outstanding journalists have emotions, but their professionalism guides them to be careful, disinterested, and cautious. I remember the clash of the African giants – Ali Mazrui and Wole Soyinka in the 1990s. It was a merciless and smoldering battle of pens from whose storm settles dazzling knowledge and mastery of language. The duo fired salvos at each other with supreme argumentation exuding sounds and aromas of philosophy, faith, science, logic and above all critical thinking. Kperogi’s attacks on Sanusi are essentially based on ‘out of context statements’ and very unscholarly. Expectedly, the Tinubu’s government responded through boilerplate statements typical of the Nigeria Government media portfolio. For Kperogi, everything is about Sanusi’s hubris and unguarded orals. To me, there is more to this, the examples of questions and hypothesis that I have raised drive how I respond to Kperogi’s unscholarly take on the ‘text’ instead of the ‘context’.

African leaders like their counterparts everywhere can be understood better by looking at their complete lifecycle. This can be achieved through readings to dissect their histories, thinking, feelings, physique and emotions. PBS’ Frontline documentaries cover leaders such as MbS, Putin and Xi Jinping by tracing their lifecycle and stages. Each film on these personalities traces their childhood moments to background how and why they behave the way they do. Critics of Sanusi should at least use Johari Window theory (from Joseph Luft and Harrington Ingham) to understand him in light of the theory’s four windows. Although this theory is meant for individuals to understand themselves heuristically, we can apply it in understanding why people behave the way they do.

There are many Nigerians – living under democratic atmosphere- who wish to see Sanusi and the like silenced or be as silent as a statue. Such people think traditional rulers are meant to be permanently reticent. Such notion or belief is actually backgrounded in colonial mentality and is aimed at gagging the colonized. The British royals are known for observing what is called ‘stiff upper lip’. I am not disputing royal etiquettes which also weakens progressively with time. However, in recent times, we have seen how Prince Harry, born by the stiff upper lip, butchered it in the most horrendous way. Even the heir-apparent, Prince William is widely reported calling the royal stiff upper lip dangerous to their mental health. Kperogi should learn to let Sanusi speak his mind. On the other hand, it is insulting that traditional rulers are caged as ‘agents’ of every governor or government – the good, the bad, the ugly.

On the matter of his friends, unknown to Kperogi, methinks Sanusi plays very smart and proud in his talks. As an economist, he knows the value of the ‘Stop Rule.’ It is called the hard-and-fast simple rule of avoiding frustration. Gerald M. Loeb (1899-1974) in his classic, The Battle for Investment Survival cautioned that investors must apply a Stop Rule once the values start declining. Maybe, Sanusi applies the Stop Rule to his friends whose behaviors apparently honk at him signaling devaluation of the friendship. Many scientists postulate that only 20% and to the maximum of 50% of our friends are real, others are just numbers.

Relatedly, many people felt Sanusi is a narcissist for saying he withheld his advice to the government. I see it differently, individuals with knowledge and proven track records can help governments to turn around the economy. The controversial US ‘Prime Minister’ Elon Musk as Jeffery Sachs calls him is an example. Today, no one in Nigeria would deny that petroleum pricing including subsidy removal is the most frustrating economic issue for both Government and the citizens. Again, nobody can deny that Ali Dangote is the most important private sector player in the petroleum sector. In Nigeria, nobody can deny that the Government has frustrated Ali Dangote to the highest skies. Nobody can deny that Dangote is inflammably incensed. Dangote’s historic shame-breaker investment in the sector should earn him the best spectacular rewards and not the hell he sees. In the US, Beta, Apple, Amazon, Google, Walmart and many others are seen as the face of America and these giants enjoy apparent and cryptic support from every Government in the US. In China Tiktok, BYD and Alibaba and the rest are seen by the Government as the scions of the Government. Dangote is being orphaned and humiliated. This dehumanizing treatment Dangote is receiving is costly for Nigeria. It will take years and prime efforts to fix it. I learned that some investors from North Africa recoiled on the grounds that if Dangote is mishandled in his fatherland, what would be for them. Now, nobody in Nigeria can deny that Emir Sanusi and Dangote are trusted friends. I assume Sanusi could ‘help’ the government to reconcile with Dangote. The Government needs to be assisted to restore the confidence of local and foreign investors. Dangote testimony is about the only one that investors would believe and not any choreographed statements of the Government.

This is how I choose to deconstruct Kperogi by adding my opinion and perspectives to answer the question I raised in the beginning. It is left to the reader to either accept or reject my hypothesis on who actually Keprogi is. One thing I am sure of is that Kperogi’s pen swims in raw emotions. I repeat that betrays his academic ranking and position which I queried for being not-flying in my earlier treatise on his petty products.

 

Professor Aliyu Barau
teaches at Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook page.

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