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Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded

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Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu

 

 

As we enter into ‘will they, will they not’ mode of uncertainty typical of Nigerian public culture about the change of Nigerian higher currency denominations announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on 25th October 2022, my mind went back to an article I wrote on 16th April 2007. This was in the wake of the removal of “Arabic inscriptions” on the Nigerian currency (the Naira) on 28th February 2007 in the new currency notes that removed the Ajami (Hausa written in Arabic script) writing that indicated the denomination of the respective currency note and replaced with the Latin alphabet. This is a ‘remix’ of that posting on the then popular platforms of Blogspot. Mine was called Nishadin Hululu (Hausa Popular Culture). 

The full historical overview of how the Arabic “script” came to become part of essentially northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa educational package is given in Manuscript Learnability and Indigenous Knowledge for Development – Hausa Ajami in Historical Context. A version is available at https://bit.ly/3zoi7XN.

I rarely bother to visit Nigerian “Naija” websites on the web or any other group of politically motivated Nigerians. I know what I will find — the usual vituperative tirade against northern Nigerians, Muslims, Hausa, ad nauseum. Southern Nigerians have three fundamental articles in their crusade against northern Nigeria: Islamic fanaticism, conservative feudalism and their weird perception of “born to rule” syndrome apparently held by the ‘northerners’. No matter how many groups of Nigerians you interact with, these three form the main focus of the divide in Nigeria. They are the main reasons why Nigerian “unity” is virtually impossible.

I doubt if there is any other group of Africans who hang out their ethnic dirty laundry like Nigerians. I accept, for the most part such ranting is probably not personal; they are basically religious – the Christian versus Muslim divide, rather than any feeling of superiority of one ethnic group over the other. Any such feelings of superiority are part of a religious template that sees acquisition of education as the central criteria for judging the value of a whole people. Thus education, not religion, is the central fulcrum around which the Nigerian nation wobbles.

Southern Nigerian acquired education through Christian Missionary activities from about 1849. Such education became the mainstay of acquiring Westernized modernity. Inevitably Western education brought by Christian missionaries to Nigeria became equated with Western Christian values. For the most part, Christian southern Nigerians are happy with this because it makes them “civilized” — in the absence of any cherished antecedent cultural values. Thus, any other worldview is considered barbaric.

Northern Nigerians, specifically the Hausa and the Kanuri acquired education through conversion to Islam since 1250 and in Kanuri kingdom, even earlier. The constant eddy of scholars from north African learning centers throughout 14th to 17th centuries ensured a sustained scholastic tradition in Muslim northern Nigeria. Muslim northern Nigerians therefore had a longer exposure to the concept of formalized learning and literacy than southern Nigerians. A universal basic education was indeed introduced around 1464 in the city of Kano when new methods of indigenizing the Arabic script to Hausa phonology were created. This led to the creation of a novel way of writing out Hausa language in a script the young scholars will understand. It is this method of indigenizing Arabic script to Hausa language that became “ajami”. It became one of the main ways of educating young pupils in northern Nigeria. Do you remember all those “Almajirai” you see in northern Nigerian cities? Well, most are fluent in ajami writing. Currently, the most prominent modern Hausa political singer (though not the most talented or likeable), Dauda “Rarara” Adamu Kahutu, has an extensive catalogue of his songs all written Ajami which he reads as he records in the studio.

Ajami, therefore, is any literacy strategy in which any language is written in Arabic. Over 50 languages are currently written in the script. Let us look at the parallel sphere. If any African language is written in Latin characters, it can be called Ajami. Ajami is not Islamic; any more than Latin alphabets are Christian.

However, in a new era of reform, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) decided to remove the “Arabic” script from the Nigerian currency in new currency notes launched on 28th February 2007. The removal of ajami script on the Nigerian currency reflected the deep-rooted religious divide that is Nigeria, because the Arabic script was seen as religious – and Nigeria is considered a secular country. This equates Arabic with Islam – ignoring the huge number of Arab Christians that exist throughout the Middle East.

The logic of the removal of the what the Nigerian economic establishment call “Arabic inscription” on the Nigerian currency given by the Nigerian Government was premised on using a Latin inscription that is available to all Nigerians (even if in mutually exclusive languages), rather than an exclusive script tied down to a particular religious culture. According to the then Governor of CBN, Professor Chukwuma Soludo during a sensitization visit to the Sultan of Sokoto,

“I will also like to inform you that the removal of the Arabic inscription on the notes is not targeted at any group or religion but rather to promote our language and cultural heritage…As you can see, Naira is the symbol of our nationalism and our pride. It is pertinent to let you understand that Arabic is not one of our national languages and it was inscribed on the notes forty years ago because the majority of people then, can read it in the northern part of the country to the detriment of their counterparts in the South (ThisDay, 16th February 2007, posted to the web 19th February 2007 at https://bit.ly/3TQ4FEw.

Similarly, the CBN issued a rebuttal to the controversies by stating that the “de-ajamization” was to “conform (to) Section 55 of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises four languages, English, Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba as medium of conducting government businesses.” After all, as they claimed, after forty years of Western education, most people in Nigeria should be able to recognize the Roman inscriptions. This, we believe, can strengthen our unity by ensuring equity and fairness. Indeed, the replacement was done in national interest and the desire to comply with the Constitution of the country.”

But how can national unity be attained when still a large proportion of the country is marginalized? To prevent this marginalization, the British colonial administration introduced the Ajami letters on the first Nigerian modernized currencies, well aware of the large gap in education – and therefore ability to read and understand Latin characters on the country’s currency notes. An example was the £1 note.

“Fam daya” was prominently written to enable those literate in Ajami, but not Latin alphabet to identify the currency.

It is interesting that a main argument was that the presence of ajami on Nigerian currency was seen to the “detrimental” to southern Nigerians (who presumably do not understand it) – yet the inclusion of Latin alphabet is not seen as detrimental to non-Roman literate northern Nigerians (especially non-Muslim Hausa, who presumably do not understand it). In this warped logic, it is therefore easier to alienate Muslim Hausa northern Nigerians than southern Nigerians, especially since a Christian was the President of the country (and a Christian Governor of the Central Bank facilitated the alienation). Of course, when a Muslim becomes the President, the arguments might be revisited – and reversed; which another subsequent Christian president will also revisit, and so on endlessly. Farooq Kperogi actually imagined a nightmare scenario that might come out of this in 2022 at https://bit.ly/3TOt2T1.

The inclusion of the script on the Nigerian currency by the British colonial administration was an acknowledgement of the rich literary heritage of a vast number of people in Nigeria who could not read the Latin   script– and not a strategy to impose Islam on anyone in Nigeria. Certainly, the British colonial administration had no reason to propagate Islam. Yet on the currencies circulated by the same administration the “Arabic inscription” was conspicuously present. This was maintained subsequently until 2007, when the despised Arabic inscription was removed and replaced with the much-loved Latin ‘inscription’. An example with ₦50 illustrates this.

The ₦50 with the ‘Arabic inscription’ of Ajami merely indicating that it is fifty naira in Hausa. In the redesigned ₦50, the Roman name for the Hausa was ‘naira hamsin’ instead of the Ajamized ‘hamsin’ in the old note. Yet, ‘hamsin’ means fifty in Arabic! So, like it or not, Arabic still remains on the naira. To get rid of it, you have to get rid of the Hausa language entirely, since about almost 45% of Hausa words are based on Arabic language.

Further, other multicultural countries do pay such homage to multiple literacies in their currency notes. The Indian currency, for instance, has 15 language scripts, including Urdu (ajami) – despite Arabic not being part of its national languages.

And while not explicitly stated, the links made by the Nigerian economic establishment with Arabic to Islam seems to be part of a move to “de-Islamize” Nigeria – scoring a cheap point particularly in the way most northern Nigerian States re-introduced Islamic Shari’a in their governance from 1999 led by Zamfara State, and the earlier issue of Nigeria’s membership of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in January 1986, which the Nigerian Christian (as well as Marxist Muslim) groups were against.

We look forward to the new currency notes in December 2022.

Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu is the professor of science education and media and cultural studies.

This piece was first published on his Facebook account.

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Opinion

One Year Without Baba: A Son’s Tribute to Alhaji Yusuf Hassan

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Alhaji Yusuf Hassan

 

Hashim Yusuf Hassan

 

It is strange how the world keeps turning. The sun still rises, the seasons still change, and people continue to go about their daily lives. But there is now a quiet space in my world, a silence where your voice used to be. It is a silence that has taught me more about love and loss than words could ever express.

I still find myself reaching for my phone to tell you something, seek your advice or simply hear you say, “Don’t worry, it’ll be alright.” I still see you in the most unexpected places—in a particular shade of blue in the sky or in the way someone leans back in their chair. For a fleeting moment, it feels as though you are still here. Then the moment passes, and the ache reminds me that you are no longer with us.

But here is the truth I am learning to live with: you are not truly gone. You are woven into the very fabric of who I am. I am the person I am today because of the lessons you taught me, not just through your words but also through the way you lived. You taught me what quiet strength looks like. You taught me that integrity means doing the right thing, even when no one is watching. You taught me how to be strong, but, more importantly, you taught me how to be kind.

When I look in the mirror, I see your eyes. When I hear my own laughter, I sometimes hear yours. When I stand up for something I believe in, I feel your hand on my shoulder. You remain the compass that guides me and the voice in my head that says, “You can do this.” You are the reason I know what it feels like to be truly and unconditionally loved.

I will not pretend that I have no regrets. I wish I had called you more often. I wish I had listened more. I wish I had told you “I love you” one more time, or a thousand more times. I wish you could see all that I have accomplished and the person I have become. But I choose to believe that, somehow, you know. I choose to believe that you are proud of me.

Grief, I have learned, is simply love with nowhere to go. And my love for you is an ocean. Now that you are gone, it has nowhere to land, so it washes over me, sometimes in gentle waves and sometimes in a tide that threatens to pull me under. It is the price of having loved you so deeply, and it is a price I would gladly pay a million times over.

Thank you, Baba, for everything, for the laughter, the lessons, the protection and the love. You were my first hero, my protector and my safe place. Even now, you remain my anchor.

I miss you more than words can ever express. I will carry you with me in every step I take, in every choice I make, and in every moment of joy and sorrow. I will strive to live a life that would make you proud. I promise.

Allah Ubangiji Ya yi maka rahama.

Your son, forever and always.

Hashim Yusuf Hassan. 

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Opinion

Kano Environment Ministry: The Reforms We Began and the Legacy We Leave

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By Dr Dahir M. Hashim

Outgoing Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change and Commissioner for Water Resources, Kano State.

 

Looking back on my time at the Kano State Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, one of the achievements I value most is the growing recognition of environmental protection as a shared responsibility and a critical component of public health, community wellbeing, livelihoods and the future of our state.

 

Over time, environmental issues became more prominent in public discourse, with more residents participating in government programmes, supporting interventions and demanding accountability. This growing public engagement remains one of the most rewarding aspects of our work.

 

For this, I am deeply grateful to the people of Kano State.

 

My journey at the ministry began on January 6, 2025, when His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, entrusted me with the responsibility of leading the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change.

 

I assumed office at a time when the sector faced significant challenges. Public facilities had deteriorated, existing policies required updating, enforcement mechanisms were weak, and frontline workers were owed outstanding payments. However, the governor recognised the enormous potential of the ministry and provided the political backing and institutional support needed to begin the process of rebuilding it.

 

Rebuilding environmental infrastructure

 

One of the areas where we recorded significant progress was the restoration of government-owned tree nurseries. Eight previously non-functional facilities were fully rehabilitated, restoring the state’s capacity to produce seedlings locally and sustainably.

 

Building on the administration’s three-million-tree planting programme in 2024, the initiative expanded to five million seedlings in 2025 and ten million in 2026. Significantly, all the seedlings were raised in government-owned nurseries.

 

Beyond the impressive numbers, the achievement represented the revival of public infrastructure and the restoration of the state’s capacity to sustain its environmental programmes without depending entirely on external sources of seedlings.

 

We also prioritised the restoration of the Kano State Pollution Control Laboratory. The facility was renovated, equipped and recommissioned, providing the state with renewed scientific capacity to test and monitor pollution, generate environmental data and strengthen regulatory enforcement.

 

To consolidate these efforts, we operationalised the Environmental Pollution Control Law and developed the Environmental Pollution and Waste Control Regulations, providing a stronger legal and institutional framework for environmental protection.

 

Improving waste management and flood control

At the Refuse Management and Sanitation Board (REMASAB), we introduced reforms aimed at improving the coordination of waste collection, evacuation and disposal. These interventions made waste management operations more organised and responsive, supporting the evacuation of approximately one million metric tonnes of waste.

 

We also restored the Dorayi Compost Plant to operation, reviving its capacity to convert organic waste into useful compost. Beyond addressing waste disposal challenges, the facility offers opportunities for investment, employment and the development of a circular economy.

 

Recognising the recurring threat of flooding in several communities, we undertook drainage construction, clearance and erosion-control interventions across flood-prone areas.

 

The stormwater harvesting intervention in Toranke and the development of the Kano State Drainage Master Plan were particularly important components of our broader strategy to strengthen flood management and move towards more sustainable urban drainage planning.

 

Our approach was not limited to responding to immediate environmental challenges. We also sought to establish a framework for long-term resilience and better management of the state’s environmental resources.

 

Restoring public parks and recreational spaces

Another area of progress was the rehabilitation of public parks and recreational facilities.

 

We restored four public parks, with additional facilities undergoing similar interventions. Parks that had suffered years of neglect were given new management arrangements and clearer maintenance responsibilities.

 

These interventions were designed to restore public spaces where families could relax, children could play and residents could enjoy a healthier urban environment.

 

The reforms also produced encouraging financial results, with the combined annual revenue generated by the parks increasing from approximately ₦5 million to ₦90 million.

 

This demonstrated that properly managed public recreational facilities can serve both social and economic purposes while contributing to the state’s revenue base.

 

Building a stronger policy and climate governance framework

Perhaps one of the most important aspects of our work was the effort to strengthen the policy and legislative foundations of environmental governance in Kano State.

 

During my tenure, we developed the Kano State Climate Change Policy, alongside its implementation plan and results framework. We also advanced the Climate Change Bill and undertook a review of the state’s Forestry Law, which had remained largely unchanged for more than five decades.

 

In addition, we developed the Climate Finance Reform Action and Implementation Plan and the Green Bond Framework to position Kano State to attract investment for environmental protection, climate adaptation and sustainable development.

 

These initiatives were intended to ensure that environmental governance would not depend solely on individual administrations or isolated interventions but would be supported by policies, laws and institutions capable of sustaining progress over time.

 

Kano State’s third-place finish in the 2026 Climate Governance Performance Ranking and the opportunity to present our work at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, were encouraging milestones.

 

They demonstrated the potential of consistent institutional support, strategic planning and collective action to improve the state’s standing in environmental and climate governance.

 

However, such recognition should not be viewed merely as an award or international exposure. It should serve as a reminder of the responsibility to sustain the reforms and deliver tangible benefits to the people.

 

Putting environmental workers at the centre of reforms

I have always believed that environmental reforms cannot succeed without the commitment and welfare of the people who implement them.

 

Street sweepers, sanitation workers, environmental inspectors and forest guards constitute the backbone of environmental management. Unfortunately, many of these frontline workers had experienced difficult working conditions and outstanding payment challenges.

 

With the support of Governor Yusuf, we cleared nine months of salary arrears owed to 2,369 verified street sweepers and doubled their stipends.

 

We also re-engaged environmental inspectors and forest guards while doubling the stipends of 875 sanitation vanguards.

 

These interventions were not merely administrative decisions. They were an acknowledgement of the dignity of labour and the indispensable contribution of frontline workers to maintaining a clean, safe and healthy environment.

 

I remain grateful to these men and women whose daily sacrifices often go unnoticed but whose contributions are essential to the wellbeing of our communities.

 

A legacy of collective responsibility

As Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf restructures the ministries and appoints a new Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change, my overriding feeling is one of gratitude.

 

I am particularly grateful to His Excellency for the confidence he reposed in me, the opportunity to serve and the support he provided throughout my tenure. His willingness to listen to proposals and support difficult but necessary decisions made it possible for us to undertake many of the reforms highlighted in this account.

 

I also appreciate the staff of the ministry and its agencies, community leaders, development partners, civil society organisations, young volunteers, private-sector operators and residents who contributed to our work.

 

Their participation, constructive criticism, patience and cooperation helped shape our interventions and improve their implementation.

 

I must emphasise that these achievements are not the accomplishment of one individual. They are the product of collective effort, institutional commitment and the contributions of many people who believed that Kano deserved a cleaner, greener and more environmentally sustainable future.

 

To the incoming Honourable Commissioner, I extend my congratulations and wish you success in this important responsibility. I also assure you of my willingness to offer any necessary support to sustain the progress already made and advance the environmental agenda of our dear state.

 

Public service is ultimately about the people and the institutions we build to serve them. Positions may change, and responsibilities may be transferred, but the obligation to contribute to society remains.

 

Serving Kano State as Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change has been a profound privilege. I leave with gratitude for the opportunity, satisfaction in the progress recorded and the hope that the foundations we have laid will continue to support a cleaner, greener and more resilient Kano.

 

Thank you, Kano State, for the trust and support.

 

Dr Dahir M. Hashim is the Commissioner for Water Resources and outgoing Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change, Kano State.

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Opinion

Election-Era Extravagance: Why Nigeria Must Reject the Latest Debt Plan

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Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru

 

Adding a staggering $20.52 billion and €1.05 billion to Nigeria’s debt burden is more than an economic miscalculation; it is a source of heartbreak for a nation already brought to its knees. At a time when millions of citizens are struggling to afford a single meal, grappling with historic inflation and watching their futures slip away, the government’s response appears to be to pile yet another mountain of debt on the country. This raises a painful question for every suffering Nigerian: When will our leaders finally acknowledge the pain their decisions inflict, and when will the bleeding stop?

 

The timing of this massive loan request is particularly troubling. Seeking to secure huge foreign loans on the eve of intense political activity and election seasons, when public anxiety is high and attention is divided, risks depriving citizens of the robust accountability the country deserves. Rather than looking inward, exercising fiscal discipline and improving public revenue management, the government appears to be rushing to mortgage the nation’s collective future. It feels less like responsible governance and more like a desperate attempt to lock in liabilities before the public can challenge them.

 

Nigeria’s national debt profile is already a ticking time bomb, placing enormous pressure on every sector of society. Every additional dollar borrowed increases the country’s financial obligations and diverts revenue that could otherwise support schools, equip hospitals and protect vulnerable citizens. Adding more than $20 billion to this burden risks pushing the country closer to the brink of a debt crisis, threatening to leave future generations trapped in a cycle of economic dependence. How much more hardship can ordinary Nigerians endure before the consequences of unsustainable borrowing become overwhelming?

 

We are repeatedly offered the same promises that these loans will transform electricity, roads, healthcare and education. But good intentions without transparency and accountability are not enough. Where is the visible evidence that previous loans have translated into better living conditions for ordinary Nigerians? Instead of seeing the promised improvements, many citizens continue to grapple with rising poverty while the country’s debt burden grows. When projects fail to generate sufficient economic returns to justify their costs, the burden ultimately falls on ordinary citizens through higher taxes, deteriorating public services and deeper economic hardship.

 

Before anyone commits future generations to repaying billions of dollars in new loans, the government must look Nigerians in the eye and explain how existing public resources are being managed. Why does borrowing appear to be the easiest option while systemic corruption and inefficiencies in public spending remain major concerns? Nigerians are exhausted by a system that leaves them bearing the consequences of decisions over which they have little control.

 

The country does not need another mountain of debt built on promises alone. It needs leaders committed to transparency, fiscal discipline, prudent resource management and the welfare of the people they have sworn to serve. Any new borrowing must be justified by clear development objectives, independently verifiable benefits and a credible repayment plan.

 

Nigeria cannot borrow its way out of every economic challenge. The government must demonstrate that it has exhausted reasonable alternatives, established safeguards against waste and corruption, and put the public interest above political convenience. Without these assurances, further borrowing risks deepening the hardship Nigerians already face and transferring an even heavier burden to generations yet unborn.

Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru, is former staff of Central Bank of Nigeria. 

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