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Kwankwaso’s Superhuman Restraint During Arise TV Interview

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Rabiu Kwankwaso

By Farooq Kperogi

A few days ago on Twitter, I happened upon an interview that Arise TV’s Dr. Reuben Abati had with Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso that caused me to both laugh hysterically and stand in awe of Kwankwaso’s surprisingly out-of-this-world emotional self-control.

Unfortunately, I can’t find the video again. Essentially, Abati said something to the effect that some well-known names in the country (he meant in the North but didn’t say so explicitly) trace immediate ancestral and familial roots to countries outside Nigeria. He was probably talking about the Baba-Ahmed family whose father migrated to Zaria from Mauritania. Abati asked if Kwankwaso was one of such people.

You could see, almost touch even, the fury that welled up in Kwankwaso. But he self-consciously restrained himself and curtly said he is a Nigerian and his parents were also Nigerian. Then Abati pivoted to a long-standing, if ridiculous, whispering campaign in Kano that alleges that Kwankwaso is actually an Igbo man, that his last name is a corruption of “Okonkwo and Sons,” the putative name of a company an Igbo man established in colonial Kano.

Abati asked Kwankwaso if he there was any truth to this speculation. His visage and body language betrayed the sight of a man who was bottling a sensation of raw rage and disgust. But his response was admirably measured and restrained. He said he had no problem with, and in fact welcomed, being mistaken for any ethnic group in Nigeria.

He used the opportunity of the question to sound commendably broadminded and pan-Nigerian. It was a golden opportunity for a presidential candidate struggling to gain traction outside Kano. It was also a great segue to his forceful but curt denial about being descended from a non-Nigerian parentage.

Most politicians in Kwankwaso’s shoes would have lost it. Here’s why.

The notion that Kwankwaso town was founded by an Igbo man called Felix Okonkwo in 1927 started as a joke. Political jokes like that used to be—still are—common in Kano. For example, when Alhaji Abubakar Rimi campaigned for Olu Falae in Kano in the early 1990s, he invented a harmless, humorous fib to recommend and legitimize him to Kano voters.

He said Olu Falae was a Kano man who was originally known as Auwalu Falalu but that when his parents migrated to Yoruba land, Yoruba people couldn’t pronounce his name correctly and corrupted it to Olu Falae.

Most people got a kick out of the fib and understood it in the tradition of campaign jokes in Kano. I don’t remember the campaign fib that was told about Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999, but it had Baban Sirajo (father of Sirajo) in, and it was approbatory.

Kwankwaso had the misfortune of being at the receiving end of a negative campaign fib, which somehow took on a life of its own outside Kano. Now a lot of people actually believe that Rabiu Kwankwaso is an Igbo man!

The truth is that Kwankwaso town has existed— and known by its current name— before Nigeria was formally constituted and so couldn’t possibly have been founded by a Felix Okonkwo in 1927. The town’s first traditional ruler, according to historical records, was known as Mamman Danhawa, and he ruled from 1808 until 1842. The formal colonization of northern Nigeria started on January 1, 1897.

Rabiu Kwankwaso is descended from the Kwankwaso royal family. In fact, his father, Alhaji Musa Sale Kwankwaso, who died in 2020 at the age of 93, was the village head of Kwankwaso. The formal title of the royal head of the town is “Sarkin Fulanin Kwankwaso,” which is Hausa for the king of the Fulani of Kwankwaso.

 That tells you that Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is ethnically Fulani, not the Igbo son of an Okonkwo. Of course, like most Fulani people in the Northwest, he is culturally, linguistically and, for all intents and purposes, Hausa.

But I think the historical facts that lent some credibility to the idea that Kwankwaso was founded by an Igbo man is that it became a railway town between 1910 and 1916. Like most railway towns, it’s more ethnically diverse than most towns of its size in the North.

Finally, what Abati did was good journalism. Our job as journalists is to rupture the composure of politicians, to so rile them up that they trip up and say things that are unscripted and therefore newsworthy. Had Kwankwaso taken the bait and exploded in anger at being called a non-Nigerian or an Igbo man, that would have dominated the news cycle and got Arise TV millions of eyeballs. Because that didn’t happen, most people are not aware of the interview.

Femi Fani-Kayode who had a hissy fit when a reporter by the name of Eyo Charles asked him who was “bankrolling” his tour of PDP states in 2020 would do well to consult Kwankwaso about emotional self-control in the heat of intentional, headline-seeking, eyeball-scouting journalistic provocation.

As I pointed out in my August 26, 2020, article titled “Fani-Kayode: All Great Journalists Are ‘Rude’,” a good interviewer causes politicians to have a meltdown so they can lose the guard and involuntarily let out the truth. “Smart politicians know this. Instead of allowing themselves to be immobilized by impotent anger, they respond to high-pressure, ‘embarrassing’ questions with poise, and disarm adversarial reporters with humility, grace, and gentleness,” I wrote.

This post was first published on Kperogi’s Facebook page 

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Opinion

Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027

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Comrade Abbas Ibrahim

 

By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.

 

Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.

 

The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.

 

Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.

 

Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.

 

As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.

 

Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.

 

While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.

 

This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.

 

Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.

 

The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.

 

Recommendations for Immediate Action

 

First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.

 

Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.

 

Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.

 

Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.

 

Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.

 

Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.

 

A Test for Kano

 

Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.

 

The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.

 

Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.

 

The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.

 

Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com

 

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Opinion

Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?

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Jamilu Uba Adamu

 

Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?

 

Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.

 

In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.

 

That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.

 

Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*

 

Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.

 

Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.

 

The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?

 

Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com

 

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Opinion

A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow

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Prof. Aliyu Barau

 

Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.

What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.

Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.

Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.

Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.

In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.

At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.

Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.

Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.

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