Opinion
Lawan vs Machina: Explaining the Supreme court
Sunusi Umar Sadiq
Two days ago the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered a judgment the most significant outcome of which is the emergence of Alhaji Ahmad Lawan, the current President of the Nigerian Senate, as the All Progressives Congress’ senatorial candidate representing Yobe North Senatorial District in the forthcoming general elections. The public is naturally and expectedly, too, thrown into an abyss of confusion because for all that is known, Senate President Lawan had obviously relinquished the senatorial seat he has been occupying since 1999 or thereabout when he contested for the APC presidential primaries some time last year.
Politics is the manifestation of the immaturity of mankind. The politicians across times and spaces have always been very shrewd and crafty. The popular virtues are turned upside down. Selfishness becomes a guiding principle. Deceit and manoeuvre are articles of faith. Self-interest take the position of justice, and fairness is something that is virtually and practically unknown. The end is all that matters. And anything is to the politician permissible to attain that end.
In a setting such as this, a heap of mess will surely pile up. And in a democratic setting, the unenviable onus of clearing such mess or at least containing it is placed on the judiciary. And the Nigerian courts, the Supreme Court especially, have been grappling with that onus, coming under public attacks and bashing every now and then.
Unfortunately for judges, they cannot come out to defend or even explain themselves. In this kind of situation, it is the lawyers, as the primary constituents of the judicature, that ought to be the sentries for the hallowed chambers. They should educate the people and enlighten them.
There are two things to consider in order to understand any given judgment: the facts of the case and the issues raised before the court. Without knowing these, the most honourable thing for anyone to do is to remain mute. Let me briefly state here the facts of the case at hand so as to understand the context and reason behind the supposedly controversial judgment delivered by the Apex Court.
For whatever reason, Senator Ahmad Lawan decided to give a shot at the country’s Number One Seat, the Presidency. He bought the presidential Nomination and Expression of Interest Forms. It automatically followed that he had no further interest in keeping his senatorial seat. A Bashir Machina seized the opportunity. He aspired for Lawan’s seat and on 28th May, 2022, the primary election for that seat was conducted and Machina got it, on a gold platter some might say.
Some eleven days later, 8th day of June 2022, the APC had its National Convention and the presidential primary election was conducted. Lawan and twelve other aspirants lost to Bola Tinubu. As a cartoonist depicted it, Lawan had torn himself between presidency and senatorial seat. He ultimately lost both. Unknown to the cartoonist, as well as other Nigerians, the Senate President had his Plan B in the closet. In hatching the plan, the APC maintained that Danjuma Manga, the party’s official that chaired and officiated the 28th May primary election, was not authorized to do so by the party’s National Working Committee (NWC). That primary election was therefore cancelled. Another was held on 9th June, 2022, less than twenty-four hours after Lawan lost his presidential bid! Nobody needs to be told that there was something amiss and shady here. It is crystal clear that a heap of mess has piled up.
Machina then decided to cry out against this apparent and obnoxious mess. He took his grievances to the Federal High Court of Nigeria, Damaturu Division. He prayed the court, among other things, to hold that the 28th May primary election that produced him was the only legitimate and valid primary election, and the other one that produced Lawan is fraudulent and therefore null and void. And this is the beginning of the intricacy, and the controversy.
The court is the repository of laws. It is the aggrieved party that will trigger the courts to invoke and apply those laws. For the litigant to succeed, therefore, they have to, firstly, be armed with hard facts that can be proved with acceptable evidence. And, secondly, such a litigant must, in ventilating the grievance, approach the court in strict compliance with the procedure provided for doing so. The success of every case depends on these two pillars.
The facts of some case may be straightforward. The Rules of Court provide for the commencement of such cases via Originating Summons. In using this mode, no witnesses need to be called. All that you need is to state what transpired in an affidavit and present the documents, if any, that strengthen the facts in issue, then invite the court to invoke appropriate laws and apply them to the case.
Some other cases are not this simple, more so when there is a criminal allegation. For such cases in which the facts in issue are contested, the Writ of Summons is the appropriate mode to be used in presenting one’s case to the law court. And whenever there is an allegation of crime, the standard of proof is that of beyond reasonable doubt. Witnesses must be in court in flesh and blood to be examined, cross-examined and, if need be, re-examined.
From 9th June, 2023, Machina’s Legal Team had up to 23rd of that month, a total of fourteen (14) days to build up their case and file same. I could imagine the mental race the team must have undergone to formulate the questions and the issues. Allegation of fraud is easy to come up with because Section 17 of the Penal Code intimates that ‘fraud’ is when one does something with the intent to deceive, and by means of such deceit to obtain some advantage for himself or another or to cause loss to any other person.
It is on that ground that Aspirant Machina went to the court challenging the return of Senator Lawan as the Senatorial Candidate as well as the validity of the primary election held on June 9th. Commencing the suit by Originating Summons is just one out of the several issues raised. But since the suit failed, the primary election it sought to be declared fraudulent and therefore null and void remains valid, and Senator Lawan consequently remains the rightful candidate.
The Supreme Court is not to blame. If anything, the Supreme Court is the scapegoat. The real culprits are Machina’s co-travellers, the politicians. After all, it is Machina’s own party that cancelled the primary election he had won. And it is also the party that took the matter up to the Supreme Court to ensure that Lawan remains its rightful and lawful flagbearer. The Supreme Court’s hands are tied as it is a court of law, not emotions.
Sunusi Umar Sadiq
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
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