Opinion
Rarara’s Invective Barbs: Innuendoes, Body Shaming, and Kano Politics
Abdallah Uba Adamu
For the past 43 years that I have been a researcher, there were two areas I stay clear of: politics and religion. If you see my hand in any of these two, then the entry point is popular or media cultures. For instance, I have recorded a lot of Kano Qadiriyya’s Anfasu zikr, not as a devotee, but as an ethnomusicologist – focusing on the body percussion and movements (after studying the wonderful works of Margaret Kartomi on body percussion while in Morocco). Similarly – and to balance things somewhat – I recorded Tijjaniyya zikr sessions at Chiranci in the city of Kano as part of a larger study on religious performances. All my recordings were uploaded to a dedicated YouTube public channel. I was therefore amused when people try to pigeon-hole me either as Qadri or Tijjani. I am neither.
Politically, I am apolitical, meaning I really don’t care who rules the country. I don’t even vote, having done once long time ago (at the insistence of a dear friend), and promised never to do it again. But performance arts brought my attention to protest songs and the prosecution of singers in Kano. The end product was a paper, “Poetic Barbs: Invective Political Poetry in Kano Popular Culture” which I am sure is floating somewhere in a modified form. And I thought that was it.
In 2014 I came across a song that I found amusing. I was playing it on my laptop when someone exhibited surprise that I was listening to the songs of Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu, with stage name of Rarara. That was the first time I even heard the name. The song was “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano.” It attracted my attention in two ways. First, its lyrical construction as well as delivery was just amazing. Rapid fire. He should have been a rapper, a genre of music I am totally besotted on (old school DMX, 2Pac, Snoop Dogg, Ice Cube, Queen “The Equalizer” Latifah, y’all). It was clear Rarara was singing off cuff, not reading from a setlist or lyrical sheet. Second, it was the most detailed invective song I have heard in Hausa Afropop music genre. I started digging and latched on him and his songs. So, for the last seven years or so, I have been following every song he released using the invective matrix.
So, what is an invective song? Invective is the literary device in which one attacks or insults a person or thing through the use of abusive language and tone. If you like, “zambo/shaguɓe”. Invective is often accompanied by negative emotion. Invective can be divided into two types: high and low invective. High invective requires the use of formal and creative language, while Low invective, on the other hand, makes use of rude and offensive images. From 2010, Rarara became a master of popular Hausa invective oral poetry. He used his skills to abuse, insult and body shame anyone he was paid to insult. Including former masters and associates.
A pattern evolved. His switchbacks. Chronologically, his earliest non-invective song was “Saraki Sai Allah” (in honor of then Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s turbaning as Sardaunan Kano in 2010 by the late Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero). In 2011 – barely a year later – when Shekarau failed to anoint Rarara’s ‘master’, Deputy Governor Abdullahi T. Gwarzo to succeed him, Rarara became ballistically invective – and established a career in body shaming, abuses and innuendoes against various previous masters. Shekarau bore the blunt of colorist abuses – often a case of the kettle calling the pot black. No one was spared his invective barbs. Deeply cut. Insulting. Spread over 39 songs, from 2014’s “Malam Ya Yi Rawa Da Alkyabba”, to 2023’s “Tangal-Tangal.”
I have seen social media calling Rarara out on his not being a Kano indigene, getting rich in Kano through his songs, and yet insulting Kano’s leaders. This is all true. However, ‘da ɗan gari a kan ci gari’ (enemy within). Only about three songs in my analytical corpus by Rarara were free-standing (i.e., unsponsored). All the others were commissioned and paid for – by politicians from Kano, to abuse other politicians from Kano. Rarara always acknowledges his sponsors in the opening doxology of his performances.
Rarara was a highly unprincipled and unethical businessman. Show him the money, and he will praise his closest friend and abuse the friend’s enemy. Show him more money, and he will insult the same friend he praised, and heap praises on the enemy he insulted. Does anyone remember that the glorified “Ɗan Ƙaramin Sauro” (irritating mote) was part of the demeaned “Banza Bakwai” (Bastard Seven)? The bromance did not end well, did it? Business unusual.
In any event, Rarara’s invective braggadocio came back to hit him hard on 5th April 2023 when his opponents used his mother’s picture in unflattering terms and splattered it all over social media and gave her a feminine variation of an insulting name he used against one of his targets. Apparently when the shoe is on the other foot, it pinches.
Thus, instead of focusing on political ideology and promises of creating a better life for the electorate, often politicians in Kano (and I think Kano, as usual, is the only state that uniquely does this) would pay more attention to denigrating, shaming, and condemning opposing candidates, creating an unfavorable imagery of the politician to prevent his being voted. Rarara was a perfect malleable puppet in this process. He has the same emotional value to Kano politicians as an alien from Saturn. Despite his lyrical brilliance and acerbic wit, he was expendable. How many singers from Kano can you recall doing the same invective insults as Rarara to Kano politicians? Two? Three? Their corpus is not as extensive as that of Rarara. Conversely, how many politicians from Katsina pay Rarara money to insult other Katsina politicians? I can only remember one.
Wary of possible legal action against direct defamatory speeches, politicians often find it easier to engage what I call ‘political drones’ to communicate their defamatory messages through the popular medium of singing. In this way, when push comes to shove, it is the singer who would face legal – or in some cases, physical – wrath in one way or other. Unethical singers like Rarara – who was arrested, but not charged in 2014 over “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano” – were willing to pay the price in exchange for the stupendous amount of money they will receive. At least they will have enough for medical care when their houses were wrecked, assaulted and incapacitated to continue singing.
And the politician who caused it all? He can’t even remember the song that made him popular, having moved on to greener political pastures. Until the next election cycle when he will latch on another expendable drone to help him heat up the polity through more invective songs using campaign words he does not have the guts to utter himself.
Rarara’s defense of not uttering specific names in his invective taunts and body shaming do not stand up to scrutiny under Nigeria’s defamation laws, and demonstrates that while he was a brilliant lyricist, he needs to understand the law. This is because his invective defamation in the form of his songs is publicly available (indeed, he made them so), created a narrative about individuals that are easily identifiable either by their physical appearance or public behavior, created a negative impression on the person being so targeted, and was not misquoted as Rarara’s utterances (from his songs) were publicly available and subject to an only interpretation as intended. A clever prosecutor would have enough to jail Rarara on listening to any of his invective songs, if someone complained hard enough.
Invective songs can often have their positive sides in the sense of making politicians – or their targets – aware of public perception of their misdemeanors, or at most, errant behaviors. Rarara’s invective narrative in the selected songs I analyzed, however, do not demonstrate their oversight functions in public accountability for politicians. Regardless of whether explicit names were uttered or not, their narrative was focused on kicking them when they are down, and subjecting them to public ridicule. This questions the artistry of Rarara as a purveyor of aesthetic values of the Hausa oral arts.
Academicians ignore Rarara and his art – and I think that’s a mistake. True, some would argue that his songs have no aesthetic, intellectual or ideological value. On the contrary, they do. In their own way. They are beautiful as lyrical discourses. His delivery is truly artistic, even if the content is inelegant. Unlike other songs in the repertoire of political communication, his are not protest songs, and thus lack ideological focus. They neither educate, illuminate or illustrate any aspect of political culture. They only entertain – at the expense of the dignity of the people he attacks. His songs synthesize Hausa rural lexicon overlayered with abusive, often self-constructed urban jargon to enhance general appeal – and act as rabble rousers for politicians who think like him. It is a unique, if unadmirable business model in the performing arts.
Subsequently, Rarara’s songs cannot be compared, by any stretch of imagination, with the classical Hausa protest poets such as Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin, Aƙilu Aliyu, Abba Maiƙwaru and Aminu Kano, whose artforms were fueled by educative political ideology, certainly not profit. Mudi Sipikin, for instance. used his poetry to attack the system of colonial rule. Aƙilu Aliyu wrote poems directly attacking the NPC. Abba Maiƙwaru wrote a 10-line NEPU poem for which he and Aminu Kano were arrested in the mid-1950s.
Zungur used his poetry originally to warn the emirs of the north of the necessity for reform, as illustrated in his central work, Jumhuriya ko Mulukiya [Republic or Monarchy]. In this work, he called for political and social problems to be solved on the basis of the existing Islamic institutions, rejecting alien political concepts. He later used his poetry to appeal directly to the common people. In a similar vein, one of the earliest poems written for a northern political party was by Aminu Kano, and called ‘Waƙar Ƴancin NEPU-Sawaba’ [Freedom poem for NEPU-Sawaba], and published in 1953 and put in the final form by Isa Wali. It was one of the earliest statements of Nigerian nationalism.
Despite all these, I argue that as researchers we can’t afford to ignore a current of knowledge flowing right at our feet. But the cold shoulder given to Rarara by our community, opposed to Aminu Ladan Abubakar (ALAN Waƙa) who is a toast to the academic and intellectual community, merely emphasizes the expendable and ephemeral nature of Rarara’s art. Ten years after the release of any ALA song, it will still have relevance. The relevance of Rarara’s songs rarely last to the next song release. Instantly forgettable.
Nevertheless, just as we struggled for the recognition and documentation (if not acceptance) of the Kano Market Literature in the 1990s when everyone was denigrating it, we need to also document the stream of popular culture, including Rarara – warts and all – flowing around us at all times. As far as I could see, only Maikuɗi Zukogi has focused attention on two of Rarara’s songs. More needs to be done.
As soon as I tell myself that I will wrap up the research, he will release a song insulting a former master or associate. Subsequently, I delayed publishing the research until he insults two people, and true to expectations, he did. These were President Muhammadu Buhari (Matsalar Tsaro) and Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje (Lema ta sha ƙwaya). With the ‘Hankaka’ barb against Ganduje in the Lema song, my fieldwork became almost complete. His destruction of “ɗan ƙaramin sauro” leaves only the references to be completed. As I argued, based on his corpus, Rarara sells to the highest bidder, with neither conscience or ideology. The huge profit he makes serve as an insurance against future loss of earnings when Kano politicians become mature enough to stop patronizing him to insult each other (and themselves) and utilize his skills in more constructive ways.
My thanks to a team of eager research assistants, headed by my ever faithful and close companion, Hassan Auwalu Muhammad – a former songwriter and lyricist himself. He was the one who mainly, patiently, transcribed the songs which I wove into a narrative going to almost 40 pages! I plan to upload the lot during my Summer break when the children are all here on holiday! By then the threatened wobbling ‘Tangal-Tangal’ had stopped and probably settled for a four-year legal battle.
Adamu is a Professor of media and cultural studies, Bayero University, Kano. He first published this article on Facebook.
By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz
On Wednesday, October 2, the Daily Trust newspaper came out with the long overdue public apology to the Federal Government over its erroneous reporting of July 4, 2024, on the Samoa Agreement. It was a needful closure to a touchy controversy. It is a commendable gesture on part of the Media Trust management. It is not everyone that has the humility to admit wrongdoing. This has now settled the matter and brought to rubbles the scornful allegations contained in the story under reference.
The watery lead story of July 4, 2024 alleged that the Samoa Agreement, signed by the Federal Government (among other nations that constitute the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States, also known as OACPS) with the European Union (EU) contained clauses that promote LGBTQ rights. To make it more salacious the story linked it to an imaginary $150 billion in benefits. Astonishingly, there is nowhere in the story evidence was provided to support both claims. There couldn’t have been as neither LGBTQ (or anything close to it) nor $150 billion was mentioned anywhere in the bulky multilateral document.
In its apology, Daily Trust said it agreed wholly with the verdict passed by the independent panel constituted by the Nigerian Media Complaint Commission (NMCC). The panel’s report released on September 23, 2024, following interrogation of the Federal Government’s complaint, was unequivocal. “The NMCC finds that the 403-page Samoa Agreement does not contain any clause that compels underdeveloped and developing nations to support the agitations by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) community for recognition as a condition for getting financial and other supports from advanced nations. Indeed, there is no reference whatsoever in the agreement to the issue of LGBTQ.”
I was appalled by the story first as a professional, before anything else. My social media post on the day it was published harped on its lack of the rudimentary journalistic requirement, viz. evidence. It was a comment I could have made even if I were not in government. Frankly, it is still a wonder how that story passed the crucible of the Trust newsroom, where I had worked and knew the editorial rigour.
Expectedly, the story whipped up tempers. Tongues were set wagging, mostly in one direction and, because the story came from a medium trusted for its journalism, everyone –except for discerning professionals–took it to be the gospel truth. Fortunately, or not, the story came out on Thursday. For its socio-religious sensitivity, it instantly became the main topic of discussion everywhere, especially in the Muslim North. Our dear imams were enraged. I don’t blame them because, again, the story came from Trust!
As if the anger wasn’t enough, some opposition figures followed the fire with more tinder. They went about mobilizing some religious leaders overnight to come out hard on the government. The next day most of the imams went to the minbar writhing with anger armed only with the wrong information. They poured out invectives at a government they supported but which was now “courting calamity greater than the economic hardship” on its people, as one of them put it. President Tinubu, the administration and all of us working with it were anathematised for “selling out the country to promoters of LGBTQ”. There was nothing the government couldn’t do for money, it was said. The congregants left the mosques angrier.
In the ensuing days, professionals and media organisations, some of them known to be very critical of the current administration, came out to fault the reporting as lacking in merit. Those who gave outright verdicts against the Daily Trust story either through fact-checks or analyses include the BBC, PREMIUM TIMES, The Punch, Prof Farooq Kperogi, a Daily Trust columnist – Dr Suleiman A. Suleiman, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), among others. The expectation was for a clear and immediate retraction, as it was clear that the paper got it wrong. Bouyed by the emotional sermons and partisan support from some quarters, the paper held on despite acknowledging “lapses in our reporting”.
In the wake of the controversy, we went through great pains trying to explain why there was no wolf around the Samoa Agreement as the drafters of the Daily Trust story wanted Nigerians to believe. I asked: In what ways had the agreement altered provisions of the Nigerian laws on LGBTQ? What are the practical implications that indicate support? I got accursed, rather than answers. It was painful to see almost everyone, especially up North turn their back against reason choosing to go with the contorted story that failed to quote even a line from the agreement to support its claims.
Exasperating as it was, I don’t blame the clergy and the larger public for the harsh judgement. The blame lies squarely on the doorstep of Trust. And this is the purpose of this post-mortem piece. Journalistic powers are akin to those of a soldier with a gun. Releasing the trigger in the wrong direction could kill or maim the innocent, and no amount of apology or even reprimand of the culprit could cure the loss suffered by the innocent. This is why the old principle that says “if you’re in doubt, leave it out” is evergreen for journalism practice. As professionals, we know pretty well that rebuttal or retraction can never attain the mileage of the original. There are still multitudes out there that will not change opinions formed from the first story.
It is for this reason that responsible journalism is non-negotiable because as the great old Philip L. Graham, publisher of The Washington Post once said, “Journalism is the first rough draft of history.” That rough draft often has a way of sticking even if subsequent events invalidate its premise.
Yes, accountability journalism is a sine qua non for healthy democracy. However, as the legal maxim goes, he who comes to equity must come with clean hands. Accountability journalism is not a byword for stone-throwing because when all you do is throw stones you end up causing more harm than good. We must, at all times, ensure the sanctity of truth, fairness, and public good. As the celebrated American war reporter, Edward R. Murrow said, “[T]o be credible we must be truthful.”
As close with the bon mot from the grand Sardauna, Sir Ahmadu Bello, while admonishing the founding team of the New Nigerian Newspapers; “Tell the truth about us, tell us the truth about others”. We ask for no more.
Abdulaziz is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Print Media.
Opinion
No Smoke Without Fire: Urgent Action Needed to Address FIRS’ Reckless Disruption of Healthcare in Kano
An open letter to the presidency
“There’s no smoke without fire” …Prompt action must be taken hook, line and sinker immediately.
Assalamu Alaikum, Peace and Blessings of Allah be upon you.
To President Tinubu, Hon. Minister of Health, Stakeholders and all Health Practitioners of Nigeria.
I am bitterly compelled to write to you today regarding a disturbing incident that transpired at Best Choice Specialist Hospital in Kano city.
The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) actions at this private hospital have demonstrated a blatant disregard for human life.
Patients and parents have reported to Alfijir Newspaper that operatives of FIRS with officials, armed with guns, stormed the hospital, threatening and forcing them to vacate the premises.
The general plebeians already vulnerable due to illness, were left to wander the streets of Kano in search of alternative healthcare, only to find that many medical facilities were unavailable due to an ongoing doctors’ strike.
It is unacceptable that the FIRS dispute with the hospital should infringe upon citizens’ right to healthcare.
This conflict affects not only the hospital but the people who seek medical attention.
Best Choice Specialist Hospital is renowned for its philanthropic efforts and commitment to providing quality healthcare to the most vulnerable members of our society.
The hospital’s management has consistently demonstrated compassion and empathy, offering free medical services to those who cannot afford them.
Their selflessness has saved countless lives and alleviated suffering.
The hospital’s community outreach programs have provided vital healthcare services to rural areas, addressing pressing health concerns such as maternal and child mortality.
Their collaboration with local organizations has facilitated health education, disease prevention, and awareness campaigns.
Moreover, Best Choice Specialist Hospital has been at the forefront of disaster response, providing emergency medical care during times of crisis.
Their staff’s dedication and expertise have been instrumental in saving lives and mitigating the impact of devastating events.
We urge the leaders of our great nation and the Human Rights Commission to take immediate action against this abuse of power.
Furthermore, We also implore the FIRS to reconsider their approach, recognizing that their rights do not supersede those of others.
“If your own children were in need of medical care, would you not prioritize their well-being above all else?”
Solemnly we request all the stakeholders to intervene to prevent future incidents and ensure the hospital can continue its lifesaving work.
We await your prompt response and resolution on to this critical matter.
Sincerely,
Editor-in-Chief, Alfijir Online Newspaper.
Yusha’u Hamza Kafinchiri Anipr
Air Peace, once renowned for its efficient service, has seemingly lost its footing in the Nigeria aviation industry. My recent ordeal on Flight P47425 from Kano to Abuja was a true picture that shows this decline.
Initially scheduled to depart at 9:55 pm on Monday, September 23, 2024, my flight was cancelled twice. The first notification read:
“Dear passenger, your Flight P47425 from Kano to Abuja…has been moved and will now depart at 14:40 on 23/09/2024 due to operational reasons.”
Upon arriving at the airport at 2:00 pm, I received another message.
Your flight is now rescheduled for 10:35pm due to same operational reasons.
Later at 10:00 pm, I collected my boarding pass and waited in the departure lounge, only to be informed of another delay.
At midnight, Air Peace Abuja-bound passengers protested the boarding of Lagos-bound passengers, demanding two aircraft be made available. After a tense standoff, aviation security personnel intervened, and both flights eventually departed around 1:16am.
My flight, which lasted a mere 34 minutes, landed peacefully at Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport at 2:16 am. However, the journey was far from peaceful.
Air Peace’s struggles with operational efficiency have compromised passenger experience. Air travelers expect better communication, timely departures, and hassle-free flights. Air Peace must address these issues to regain passenger trust.
The airline must Improve communication regarding flight changes and delays and respect rescheadule timings.
They should enhance operational efficiency to minimize delays.
The management of air peace must provide adequate aircraft, staffing and resources to manage passenger flow or better still fold up and get out of business to save the country’s reputation in the eyes of other countries nationals traveling out domestic routes inland.
While my flight landed safely, the experience was marred by delays, chaos, and poor communication. Air Peace must prioritize passenger satisfaction to reclaim its reputation as a reliable carrier.
Yusha’u Hamza Kafinchiri Anipr,
Writes from Kadinchiri, Garko LGA,
Kano State.
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