Opinion
Rarara’s Invective Barbs: Innuendoes, Body Shaming, and Kano Politics
Abdallah Uba Adamu
For the past 43 years that I have been a researcher, there were two areas I stay clear of: politics and religion. If you see my hand in any of these two, then the entry point is popular or media cultures. For instance, I have recorded a lot of Kano Qadiriyya’s Anfasu zikr, not as a devotee, but as an ethnomusicologist – focusing on the body percussion and movements (after studying the wonderful works of Margaret Kartomi on body percussion while in Morocco). Similarly – and to balance things somewhat – I recorded Tijjaniyya zikr sessions at Chiranci in the city of Kano as part of a larger study on religious performances. All my recordings were uploaded to a dedicated YouTube public channel. I was therefore amused when people try to pigeon-hole me either as Qadri or Tijjani. I am neither.
Politically, I am apolitical, meaning I really don’t care who rules the country. I don’t even vote, having done once long time ago (at the insistence of a dear friend), and promised never to do it again. But performance arts brought my attention to protest songs and the prosecution of singers in Kano. The end product was a paper, “Poetic Barbs: Invective Political Poetry in Kano Popular Culture” which I am sure is floating somewhere in a modified form. And I thought that was it.
In 2014 I came across a song that I found amusing. I was playing it on my laptop when someone exhibited surprise that I was listening to the songs of Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu, with stage name of Rarara. That was the first time I even heard the name. The song was “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano.” It attracted my attention in two ways. First, its lyrical construction as well as delivery was just amazing. Rapid fire. He should have been a rapper, a genre of music I am totally besotted on (old school DMX, 2Pac, Snoop Dogg, Ice Cube, Queen “The Equalizer” Latifah, y’all). It was clear Rarara was singing off cuff, not reading from a setlist or lyrical sheet. Second, it was the most detailed invective song I have heard in Hausa Afropop music genre. I started digging and latched on him and his songs. So, for the last seven years or so, I have been following every song he released using the invective matrix.
So, what is an invective song? Invective is the literary device in which one attacks or insults a person or thing through the use of abusive language and tone. If you like, “zambo/shaguɓe”. Invective is often accompanied by negative emotion. Invective can be divided into two types: high and low invective. High invective requires the use of formal and creative language, while Low invective, on the other hand, makes use of rude and offensive images. From 2010, Rarara became a master of popular Hausa invective oral poetry. He used his skills to abuse, insult and body shame anyone he was paid to insult. Including former masters and associates.
A pattern evolved. His switchbacks. Chronologically, his earliest non-invective song was “Saraki Sai Allah” (in honor of then Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s turbaning as Sardaunan Kano in 2010 by the late Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero). In 2011 – barely a year later – when Shekarau failed to anoint Rarara’s ‘master’, Deputy Governor Abdullahi T. Gwarzo to succeed him, Rarara became ballistically invective – and established a career in body shaming, abuses and innuendoes against various previous masters. Shekarau bore the blunt of colorist abuses – often a case of the kettle calling the pot black. No one was spared his invective barbs. Deeply cut. Insulting. Spread over 39 songs, from 2014’s “Malam Ya Yi Rawa Da Alkyabba”, to 2023’s “Tangal-Tangal.”
I have seen social media calling Rarara out on his not being a Kano indigene, getting rich in Kano through his songs, and yet insulting Kano’s leaders. This is all true. However, ‘da ɗan gari a kan ci gari’ (enemy within). Only about three songs in my analytical corpus by Rarara were free-standing (i.e., unsponsored). All the others were commissioned and paid for – by politicians from Kano, to abuse other politicians from Kano. Rarara always acknowledges his sponsors in the opening doxology of his performances.
Rarara was a highly unprincipled and unethical businessman. Show him the money, and he will praise his closest friend and abuse the friend’s enemy. Show him more money, and he will insult the same friend he praised, and heap praises on the enemy he insulted. Does anyone remember that the glorified “Ɗan Ƙaramin Sauro” (irritating mote) was part of the demeaned “Banza Bakwai” (Bastard Seven)? The bromance did not end well, did it? Business unusual.
In any event, Rarara’s invective braggadocio came back to hit him hard on 5th April 2023 when his opponents used his mother’s picture in unflattering terms and splattered it all over social media and gave her a feminine variation of an insulting name he used against one of his targets. Apparently when the shoe is on the other foot, it pinches.
Thus, instead of focusing on political ideology and promises of creating a better life for the electorate, often politicians in Kano (and I think Kano, as usual, is the only state that uniquely does this) would pay more attention to denigrating, shaming, and condemning opposing candidates, creating an unfavorable imagery of the politician to prevent his being voted. Rarara was a perfect malleable puppet in this process. He has the same emotional value to Kano politicians as an alien from Saturn. Despite his lyrical brilliance and acerbic wit, he was expendable. How many singers from Kano can you recall doing the same invective insults as Rarara to Kano politicians? Two? Three? Their corpus is not as extensive as that of Rarara. Conversely, how many politicians from Katsina pay Rarara money to insult other Katsina politicians? I can only remember one.
Wary of possible legal action against direct defamatory speeches, politicians often find it easier to engage what I call ‘political drones’ to communicate their defamatory messages through the popular medium of singing. In this way, when push comes to shove, it is the singer who would face legal – or in some cases, physical – wrath in one way or other. Unethical singers like Rarara – who was arrested, but not charged in 2014 over “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano” – were willing to pay the price in exchange for the stupendous amount of money they will receive. At least they will have enough for medical care when their houses were wrecked, assaulted and incapacitated to continue singing.
And the politician who caused it all? He can’t even remember the song that made him popular, having moved on to greener political pastures. Until the next election cycle when he will latch on another expendable drone to help him heat up the polity through more invective songs using campaign words he does not have the guts to utter himself.
Rarara’s defense of not uttering specific names in his invective taunts and body shaming do not stand up to scrutiny under Nigeria’s defamation laws, and demonstrates that while he was a brilliant lyricist, he needs to understand the law. This is because his invective defamation in the form of his songs is publicly available (indeed, he made them so), created a narrative about individuals that are easily identifiable either by their physical appearance or public behavior, created a negative impression on the person being so targeted, and was not misquoted as Rarara’s utterances (from his songs) were publicly available and subject to an only interpretation as intended. A clever prosecutor would have enough to jail Rarara on listening to any of his invective songs, if someone complained hard enough.
Invective songs can often have their positive sides in the sense of making politicians – or their targets – aware of public perception of their misdemeanors, or at most, errant behaviors. Rarara’s invective narrative in the selected songs I analyzed, however, do not demonstrate their oversight functions in public accountability for politicians. Regardless of whether explicit names were uttered or not, their narrative was focused on kicking them when they are down, and subjecting them to public ridicule. This questions the artistry of Rarara as a purveyor of aesthetic values of the Hausa oral arts.
Academicians ignore Rarara and his art – and I think that’s a mistake. True, some would argue that his songs have no aesthetic, intellectual or ideological value. On the contrary, they do. In their own way. They are beautiful as lyrical discourses. His delivery is truly artistic, even if the content is inelegant. Unlike other songs in the repertoire of political communication, his are not protest songs, and thus lack ideological focus. They neither educate, illuminate or illustrate any aspect of political culture. They only entertain – at the expense of the dignity of the people he attacks. His songs synthesize Hausa rural lexicon overlayered with abusive, often self-constructed urban jargon to enhance general appeal – and act as rabble rousers for politicians who think like him. It is a unique, if unadmirable business model in the performing arts.
Subsequently, Rarara’s songs cannot be compared, by any stretch of imagination, with the classical Hausa protest poets such as Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin, Aƙilu Aliyu, Abba Maiƙwaru and Aminu Kano, whose artforms were fueled by educative political ideology, certainly not profit. Mudi Sipikin, for instance. used his poetry to attack the system of colonial rule. Aƙilu Aliyu wrote poems directly attacking the NPC. Abba Maiƙwaru wrote a 10-line NEPU poem for which he and Aminu Kano were arrested in the mid-1950s.
Zungur used his poetry originally to warn the emirs of the north of the necessity for reform, as illustrated in his central work, Jumhuriya ko Mulukiya [Republic or Monarchy]. In this work, he called for political and social problems to be solved on the basis of the existing Islamic institutions, rejecting alien political concepts. He later used his poetry to appeal directly to the common people. In a similar vein, one of the earliest poems written for a northern political party was by Aminu Kano, and called ‘Waƙar Ƴancin NEPU-Sawaba’ [Freedom poem for NEPU-Sawaba], and published in 1953 and put in the final form by Isa Wali. It was one of the earliest statements of Nigerian nationalism.
Despite all these, I argue that as researchers we can’t afford to ignore a current of knowledge flowing right at our feet. But the cold shoulder given to Rarara by our community, opposed to Aminu Ladan Abubakar (ALAN Waƙa) who is a toast to the academic and intellectual community, merely emphasizes the expendable and ephemeral nature of Rarara’s art. Ten years after the release of any ALA song, it will still have relevance. The relevance of Rarara’s songs rarely last to the next song release. Instantly forgettable.
Nevertheless, just as we struggled for the recognition and documentation (if not acceptance) of the Kano Market Literature in the 1990s when everyone was denigrating it, we need to also document the stream of popular culture, including Rarara – warts and all – flowing around us at all times. As far as I could see, only Maikuɗi Zukogi has focused attention on two of Rarara’s songs. More needs to be done.
As soon as I tell myself that I will wrap up the research, he will release a song insulting a former master or associate. Subsequently, I delayed publishing the research until he insults two people, and true to expectations, he did. These were President Muhammadu Buhari (Matsalar Tsaro) and Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje (Lema ta sha ƙwaya). With the ‘Hankaka’ barb against Ganduje in the Lema song, my fieldwork became almost complete. His destruction of “ɗan ƙaramin sauro” leaves only the references to be completed. As I argued, based on his corpus, Rarara sells to the highest bidder, with neither conscience or ideology. The huge profit he makes serve as an insurance against future loss of earnings when Kano politicians become mature enough to stop patronizing him to insult each other (and themselves) and utilize his skills in more constructive ways.
My thanks to a team of eager research assistants, headed by my ever faithful and close companion, Hassan Auwalu Muhammad – a former songwriter and lyricist himself. He was the one who mainly, patiently, transcribed the songs which I wove into a narrative going to almost 40 pages! I plan to upload the lot during my Summer break when the children are all here on holiday! By then the threatened wobbling ‘Tangal-Tangal’ had stopped and probably settled for a four-year legal battle.
Adamu is a Professor of media and cultural studies, Bayero University, Kano. He first published this article on Facebook.
Opinion
State Police in Nigeria: Understanding the true position of the proposed constitutional framework
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.)
The renewed national debate on state policing has sparked intense discussions. Supporters see it as a solution to Nigeria’s worsening security challenges. Critics, however, fear political abuse and threats to national unity. Given these differing views, it is important to understand the true constitutional position of the current proposals before the National Assembly.
An examination of the *Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Sixth Alteration) Bill, 2026 (SB. 1055)*, along with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) analysis of the earlier House Bill (HB. 617), shows that the proposed framework is neither a full transfer of policing powers to the states nor a continuation of the current centralized system. Instead, it introduces a cooperative federal policing model.
This model balances state autonomy with national standards and constitutional safeguards.
The first key point is that the Federal Police will not be abolished. The proposal creates a Federal Police Service while allowing State Police Services to operate alongside it. The Federal Police will continue to handle federal responsibilities, including counter-terrorism, cybercrime investigations, border security, organized crime, inter-state offences, and the protection of federal institutions and assets.
It is also important to note that state policing is not compulsory. States that lack the financial or institutional capacity to establish their own police services can continue to rely entirely on the Federal Police Service. In simple terms, the amendment gives states a choice, not an obligation, to establish their own police organizations.
The proposed framework sets strict conditions before a State Police Service can begin operations. A state must pass its own enabling law, establish the required institutions, and obtain certification confirming that it meets nationally defined minimum standards.
These standards will cover recruitment, training, vetting, discipline, firearms management, the use of force, accountability systems, and criminal information management.
One of the most debated issues is the possibility of federal interference in state policing. The Senate Bill addresses this concern by limiting federal intervention to exceptional situations. Such intervention may occur where there is an actual or imminent breakdown of public order. It may also occur if a governor requests assistance, if a State Police Service becomes unable to function, if there is evidence of widespread violations of fundamental rights, or if threats extend beyond state borders and affect national security.
Any federal intervention must be temporary, necessary, and proportionate. It must also be subject to judicial review. The President must authorize it in writing, and notice must be given to the Governor, the State House of Assembly, the National Police Council, and the National Assembly. In addition, such intervention cannot dissolve a State Police Service or suspend democratic institutions, except as permitted under existing constitutional provisions.
The framers of the Bill have also addressed concerns about possible misuse of State Police Services by governors. The proposed safeguards expressly prohibit governors from directing State Commissioners of Police to target political opponents, political parties, associations, or groups outside the provisions of the law.
Commissioners who believe a directive is unlawful or inconsistent with national standards may seek a review through the appropriate Police Service Commission or the courts.
To strengthen institutional independence, the proposed amendments provide security of tenure for both the Inspector-General of Police and State Commissioners of Police. Their removal would require valid reasons, a fair hearing, recommendations from the National Police Council, and approval by a two-thirds majority of the relevant legislature.
These measures reflect widely accepted international standards for democratic policing.
Another important feature of the framework is the clear limitation on federal control over State Police Services. While the National Assembly will establish national minimum standards, it will not exercise routine control over appointments, promotions, transfers, suspensions, dismissals, or operational decisions within State Police Services. The only exception is during constitutionally approved interventions.
This approach preserves state autonomy while ensuring consistent professional and ethical standards nationwide.
The PLAC analysis correctly notes that the proposed model does not create a fully independent state policing system. Instead, it incorporates elements of federal oversight to address concerns relating to funding, accountability, human rights protection, and potential political misuse. The objective is to decentralize policing without weakening national unity or undermining the constitutional order.
Viewed objectively, the proposed amendment seeks to balance local responsiveness with national integrity. It aims to bring policing closer to communities while maintaining safeguards against abuse. It also protects the shared security interests of the Federation.
In essence, Nigeria is not moving toward two competing police systems. Rather, it is moving toward a cooperative federal policing arrangement. This model recognizes the need for local control of security issues while preserving constitutional mechanisms that safeguard democracy, human rights, and national unity.
The success of this initiative will depend not only on constitutional provisions but also on the strength of institutions, adherence to professionalism, and the political will to uphold the rule of law. Like any major reform in a democratic society, state policing should be judged not only by fears but also by the safeguards it contains and the practical benefits it can bring to the security and welfare of Nigerians.
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.).
By Jamilu Uba Adamu
Since 1987, June 26 has been designated by the United Nations as the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking—a day set aside to raise awareness about the dangers of drug abuse and its devastating effects on individuals and society. This year’s theme, “The World Drug Problem: Persisting Issues, New Challenges, Innovative Responses,” reminds us that while the fight against drugs continues, our strategies must evolve.
Simply put, the drug problem is still with us. New drugs continue to emerge, and we must respond with innovative solutions, including the use of sports to keep our youths engaged and productive.
Nigeria’s greatest resource is not oil; it is its youth. The energy, creativity, and determination of young people will determine whether we build a stronger nation or lose a generation. One of the most effective tools for channeling that energy positively is sports—but only when it is built on discipline.
Sports is more than playing football on weekends or sprinting on the track. It teaches valuable life lessons. When a young person wakes up at 5:00 a.m. for training, they learn punctuality. When a team loses and returns to train harder, they learn resilience. When eleven players on a pitch follow the instructions of one coach, they learn respect for authority, teamwork, and discipline.
Here in Kano, the effects of drug abuse are both painful and visible. Drug abuse is fueling fadan daba, phone snatching, and other violent crimes across our streets and communities. The truth is simple: idle hands are the devil’s workshop, while busy feet on the pitch have little time for crime or drugs.
Talent without discipline is wasted talent. Many of our youths possess enormous potential, but without discipline, that potential often turns into frustration. Discipline means:
- Self-control — saying “no” to peer pressure, drugs, and violence.
- Consistency — training even when no one is watching.
- Respect — for rules, opponents, coaches, and oneself.
A boxer who cannot control his temper outside the ring will never become a champion inside it. A footballer who skips training will never wear the national jersey. Discipline is the bridge between potential and achievement.
In our communities, we see too many young lives derailed by drugs. The equation is clear: idleness + bad company + lack of purpose = drug abuse. Sports helps break that cycle.
Let us encourage our youths to choose the pitch over the street corner and the “jungle.” Let them choose training over idleness. Let discipline be their guide in life, just as it is in sports.
To parents, schools, and government: invest in sports facilities and mentorship programmes across our 44 Local Government Areas. Every playing field we build in Kano is a prison we may never need. Every disciplined athlete we nurture is a future leader we secure.
If we get this right, Kano, with its vibrant and youthful population, will not only win trophies at national sporting events but will also reclaim its promising young people from the grip of drug abuse and crime.
Mr. Jamilu Uba Adamu is the Officer-in-Charge of Sports, NDLEA Kano Strategic Command.
He can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.
Urges electorate to remain peaceful, prayerful, and law-abiding
By Lamara Garba
The Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has declared that his political future, including the question of re-election in 2027, rests entirely in the hands of Almighty Allah, stressing that political power is neither a matter of life and death nor something that any individual can permanently give or take away.
Governor Yusuf made the remarks while addressing Kano pilgrims and Hajj officials in Makkah during a Sallah visit on Wednesday.
Speaking before hundreds of pilgrims, the Governor quoted verses from the Holy Qur’an, reminding the faithful that ultimate authority belongs to Allah alone, who grants power to whom He wills and withdraws it whenever He pleases.
According to him, while politicians and their supporters often become consumed by political calculations and permutations, true believers understand that leadership is a divine trust bestowed by Allah at His appointed time.
“Power belongs to Allah alone. He gives leadership to whom He wills and takes it away from whom He wills. No human being can stop what Allah has destined, and no one can impose what Allah has not ordained,” Governor Yusuf said.
The Governor noted that he remains completely submissive to the will of Allah regarding future political developments, including his possible re-election, insisting that his focus remains on serving the people of Kano State diligently rather than becoming distracted by political anxiety.
He stressed that elective office should never be viewed as a do-or-die affair, adding that public service is meaningful only when carried out with sincerity, the fear of God, and a commitment to the welfare of the people.
“Leadership is not a matter of life and death. What matters most is serving humanity, discharging one’s responsibilities faithfully, and leaving the rest to Allah. Whatever Allah decrees will surely come to pass,” he stated.
Governor Yusuf, however, urged Kano citizens to remain politically conscious and actively participate in the democratic process by ensuring that they possess valid voter cards ahead of future elections.
He called on those whose voter cards require renewal to do so promptly and encouraged eligible citizens who have not yet registered to take advantage of the registration exercise before it closes.
The Governor said voter registration remains a civic responsibility that enables citizens to exercise their constitutional right to choose leaders and contribute to the growth and development of society.
He also appealed to the pilgrims to continue praying for peace, unity, stability, and prosperity in Kano State and Nigeria as a whole.
Observers believe Governor Yusuf’s remarks reflect growing confidence within his administration following what many regard as remarkable achievements recorded over the past three years in education, healthcare, infrastructure development, agriculture, human capital development, and women and youth empowerment.
The Governor maintained that while political debates and speculations may continue, the final decision on who occupies positions of authority rests with Almighty Allah, whose decree cannot be altered by any human effort.
Gov. Yusuf appoints Dr. Aminu Magashi co-chair of Kano anti-drug abuse task force
Gov. Yusuf tasks media on truthful reporting, patriotism
Kano launches free 48-hour emergency treatment scheme for accident victims, other critical cases
K-SAFE hails Gov. Yusuf as Kano tops ECOWAS education spending ranking
Abdulaziz unveils project inspection initiative, trains APC social media inflluencers at Arewa media summit
Kano ranks best in ECOWAS on education spending index
Kano recruits over 16,000 teachers, begins 10-year education reform plan
Kano emerges top beneficiary as World Bank rewards states with $27m for reforms
Kano delegation participates in international labour conference in Geneva
