Opinion
What, Exactly, is Kannywood? – Kannywood and Hausa Visual Counterculture
Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu
I will begin with the end, and in the end, I will end with the beginning.
What is Kannywood?
A Wikipedian provided this perspective: “Kannywood is the sobriquet for Hausa-language cinema. It is a part of the larger Nigerian cinema, known as Nollywood, which includes other production centres producing films in many other Nigerian languages.”
The emphasis, according to this Wikipedian, is on language, and they provided this perspective to distinguish Kannywood from its ‘larger cousin’, Nollywood. This means, whether we like it or not, Kannywood will continuously be seen as part of Nollywood, until we change the narrative ourselves and stopped being awed by an industry that is definitely junior to our own. Let me share a personal experience.
I was privileged to be a Zuma Film Festival Jury in its 2010 edition, as well as the paper presenter. I was the only northerner in the Jury, but not the only Hausa. The team was led by Rahmatou Keïta a Nigeriène Hausa journalist and filmmaker based in Paris. Films were submitted from all over the world, including many from Kannywood, and of course, Nollywood. We sat down over croissants and coffee to decide the approach we should adopt in awarding categories to the films.
Right there and then it was decided that there was no way any Kannywood film will win the ‘Best’ of the categories – Picture, Actor, Actress, Script, Cinematography, etc. I argued that if we went by this reasoning—for which there was no rational basis—that would exclude indigenous language films from getting recognition, including those from Nollywood not in English language. A lot of arguments ensured about production values, storylines, meeting the Zuma Festival submission requirements, etc.
In the end, after two hours of back and forth, I was asked to suggest a category in which all local language films would fit in, even if from Nollywood. I suggested Indigenous Film category. This was accepted. If it was any consolation, foreign film entries were also lumped into “Best Foreign Film”. Meaning that ONLY Nollywood films will get all the glory of being the Best of the best in everything. Thus, for the Nigerian Film Corporation, Kannywood is just a subset of Nollywood. Begging the question, What is Kannywood?
The least NFC can do is to reimagine the festival according to film cultures. Let us say, for the sake of the argument, NFC recognizes Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo film cultures. A separate festival can be held for each of these cultures celebrating their ‘Best’ actors, actresses, cinematography, script, etc. As it is now, no matter how excellent, for instance, a Hausa actor is (or think he is), he will never be ‘Best Actor’ in the NFC festival. And good luck to him attempting to be the Best Actor in a ‘mainstream’ Nollywood film in which he merely appears as a token Aboki to attract audiences to a Nollywood film.
Now, let me address the other variable in this post. “Counterculture” refers to a cultural group whose values, norms, and practices are significantly different from and often in opposition to those of the mainstream society. These groups often challenge established societal norms and advocate for alternative lifestyles or beliefs. Counterculture is expressed in various forms, including popular culture.
Counterculture became critical in contemporary Hausa media anthropology because of the rapid rise and adoption of visual technologies through social media by Hausa youth of all shades—male, female and often transitioning or LGBT+. The visibility in social media provides Hausa youth with a paradoxical cloak of invisibility, in what I refer to as ‘invisible visibilities.’ They visually, boldly and unapologetically appear brash, aggressive, suggestive, sexual, assertive and insouciant. For the most part, we don’t know who they are, despite seeing them and applauding, hailing, hating or cursing them.
The rise and popularity of social media provided Hausa youth with a perfect visual counterculture template. Crude at the beginning, but getting sophisticated as time flies. Initially restricting themselves to the ‘big’ social media – YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat—the arrival of more flexible platforms, mainly TikTok, Reels, gave the freedom to let loose creative energies.
YouTube provided the first explicit platform. It led to the emergence of what I call ‘Hausa Adult Influencers’ They included Muneerat Abdulsalam, Yasmin Harka, Laure Jibiya, Ummi Zandar, Tani Harka 24, etc. They dispense raw explicit advice on heterosexual adult relationships; Laure Jibiya, possibly a pseudonym, was the only one who dispenses her advice from an Arabian face veil, making it difficult to identify her. Ummi Zinder uses a name that has possible connotation to nudity: Hausa zindir; but could also be a referent to Zinder, the Nigeriène city, locally called Damagaram. Falmati Chadi, again like others, without any other traceable history, would appear to come from Chad Republic.
Obviously, each approaches her broadcast—all in the Hausa language—with a script, a production schedule, and a series of technical and editing equipment, all put together by a person who acts as a director. The large numbers of views generated by these channels are completed by internet bots that rip the audios from the videos and make it easy for users to download the voices without having to log on to the video channel – which saves data, and at the same time, enable clandestine engagement with the contents of the channels without the videos.
Of course, they are countless other Hausa-centric YouTube uploads—ranging from music, to short films and comedy skits. Some audaciously affix ‘Kannywood’ to their channels—which is okay since no one owns ‘Kannywood’ as a label for anything. Are these YouTube uploads ‘films?’ Can they be referred to as Kannywood, even if they are NOT necessarily based in Kano or aimed specifically at the markets in Kano?
Enter TikTok and Reels. Millions of videos. Short attention-grabbing dialogues. Some with structured scripts and actors, shooting schedule, clear effective direction and editing, And messages; for it is not all pearls of fun and laughter.
Take Dan Bello. A professional cinematographer and scriptwriter. With world class video and editing equipment, storyline, excellent editing. With script no Hausa filmmaker dare to write or visualize: a critique of society and governance. A 30-second script unraveling over 30 years of spiral corruption and misgovernance. Are we still in Kannywood?
What of Yagamen? Or Murja Ibrahim Kunya. Love her. Hate her. You can’t ignore her. That’s for sure. Capable of evoking almost all emotional ranges: amusement, annoyance, irritation, exasperation, pity, adoration in virtual stand-up monologues. She expresses her thoughts explicitly and does not care whose ox is gored. She has made several allusions to being ‘Kannywood’. Cultural Kannywood will dispute this membership of their hallowed cult. So where do you put Eddie Murphy, Richard Prior, Tracy Morgan, Jamie Foxx, Whoopi Goldberg and other comedians who became some of the biggest names in Hollywood?
And G-Fresh Al-Amin. An excellent rapper whom I mentored once (listen to his ‘Kano to California Remix’). Can he lay claim to Kannywood? Or Hassan Makeup, Sadiqa (previously known as Sadiq) and other influencers with alternative sexualities. Daring to boldly go where no Kannywood producer will dare to go. I know. Purist will claim these are not Kannywood. These social media Hausa alterities lay claim to Kannywood – only that they provide a countercultural narrative. Each skit, monologue provides a story, completing with a marketing structure; for the money is made in the AdSense clicks some have activated. Bringing in few dollars. And no censorship.
If we debunk Hausa counterculture alterities as not being serious, not being ‘films’ in the accepted sense (whose accepted sense?) then how do we explain cinéma vérité? If you have a strong stance on a political or social issue, cinéma vérité is a vehicle to express and defend your opinions. All the Hausa counterculture videographers can be lumped as cinéma vérité—a perfectly valid form of cinematic expression. It combines improvisation with use of the camera to unveil truth or highlight subjects hidden behind reality.
This, of course, excluded religious or journalistic social media as these are focused on a particular topic often in a didactic and linear fashion. Counterculture social media is about rebellion to the established public culture, or teasing out things public culture would rather hide or gloss over in a ‘conventional’ cinematic expression.
TikTokers Khadijah Ibraheem and Anti Hussaina use this technique to criticize—as well as appreciate—boys (“kai, guy ɗin nan ya sha wanka”). And in case you label them something else for expression their frank views, they do so in full Muslim hijab, and all clean dialogue. Not a single swear or foul word. Contrast their dialogue with Murja Ibrahim Kunya – all about female sexuality, but in different delivery modes. Aminu J and Abis Fulani provide critical commentaries on news events. Bilal Villa is transnational in using local resident Lebanese in his dialogues, giving a unique dimension to commentary on Kano society. Still not Kannywood? How about this, then.
One of the craziest aspects of Kano is that even people with clearly mental health issues become celebrities in a process the literature refers to Celebrification. The last three years saw the emergence of Ale (a Kano specific corruption of the word, Alhaji) Rufa’i Bulgates (another corruption, of Bill Gates, the founder of Microsoft), the man who created new virtual currencies, ‘Gangalion’ and ‘Americallion’. He uses this currency to buy whole countries. His relatives reported his skit makers to the police and an order was issued banning making any videos of him taking advantage of his gullibility. They started regretting it later, because….
…no sooner had he disappeared from the scene, than another one emerged. Ale Umar Bush. A load-carrier in the Kwanar Singer segment of the Kano Sabon Gari Market. In a short period of time, he became stupendously rich because the way he amuses people with incredibly horrible foul language. I guarantee you, no language provides the most disgusting foul abuses like the Hausa language. This guy knew them all and utters them with relish and stern face. Like a circus performer, he gets invited to meet important people and foreigners, including Arabs and Indians, to be feted for their amusement, with videos taken and sent to their countries: “hey, look, a crazy African.” I once flew in the same plane with him to Abuja where he was invited to provide amusement to people who are presumably mentally healthy, but enjoy teasing a mental patient. Like kids holding a hapless insect in their hands and getting amused at ripping off each of its wings.
Now, he is a film star. Yes, he has just starred in his first 12-minute film, “Sallah Ram Deal in Kano”. It was produced by Abdulgafar Ahmad Oluwatoyin, aka Cuteabiola, a Nollywood comedian, who starred in it. Someone has found a way of weaving a script around a foul-mouthed mental patient and creating amusement for non-mental health people. Cute Abiola himself posted the story on his Facebook timeline. It generated 471 comments, hugely appreciative of this new dimension of Northern Nollywood, and 272 shares. Are we still in Kannywood?
Over the last five years, social media has enabled the creation of Hausa countercultural microcinema—short films, often created with low budgets and minimal equipment, which is a good fit for the brief, often amateur or semi-professional nature of social media videos—and cinéma verité that provide a countercultural narrative to life in both urban and rural Hausa societies. Cinema is multifaceted medium that combines art, technology, and industry to create and share moving images, offering a powerful means of storytelling and cultural expression. Nothing says how long it has to be. Or how expert the cinema maker has to be.
The whole point of my argument is that Hausa social media counterculture skitters, shorties, documentaries, comedies, the whole ball of wax, are increasingly claiming they are also Kannywood. The non-counterculture Kannywood leadership on the other hand struggle hard to create a dividing line. They faced this with the Hiyana incidence in 2007 where virtually every actress is seen as a Hiyana, derailing the image of Kannywood.
I will end with the beginning.
What, exactly, is Kannywood?
Adamu is a Professor of Media and Cultural Studies at Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
Opinion
One Year Without Baba: A Son’s Tribute to Alhaji Yusuf Hassan
Hashim Yusuf Hassan
It is strange how the world keeps turning. The sun still rises, the seasons still change, and people continue to go about their daily lives. But there is now a quiet space in my world, a silence where your voice used to be. It is a silence that has taught me more about love and loss than words could ever express.
I still find myself reaching for my phone to tell you something, seek your advice or simply hear you say, “Don’t worry, it’ll be alright.” I still see you in the most unexpected places—in a particular shade of blue in the sky or in the way someone leans back in their chair. For a fleeting moment, it feels as though you are still here. Then the moment passes, and the ache reminds me that you are no longer with us.
But here is the truth I am learning to live with: you are not truly gone. You are woven into the very fabric of who I am. I am the person I am today because of the lessons you taught me, not just through your words but also through the way you lived. You taught me what quiet strength looks like. You taught me that integrity means doing the right thing, even when no one is watching. You taught me how to be strong, but, more importantly, you taught me how to be kind.
When I look in the mirror, I see your eyes. When I hear my own laughter, I sometimes hear yours. When I stand up for something I believe in, I feel your hand on my shoulder. You remain the compass that guides me and the voice in my head that says, “You can do this.” You are the reason I know what it feels like to be truly and unconditionally loved.
I will not pretend that I have no regrets. I wish I had called you more often. I wish I had listened more. I wish I had told you “I love you” one more time, or a thousand more times. I wish you could see all that I have accomplished and the person I have become. But I choose to believe that, somehow, you know. I choose to believe that you are proud of me.
Grief, I have learned, is simply love with nowhere to go. And my love for you is an ocean. Now that you are gone, it has nowhere to land, so it washes over me, sometimes in gentle waves and sometimes in a tide that threatens to pull me under. It is the price of having loved you so deeply, and it is a price I would gladly pay a million times over.
Thank you, Baba, for everything, for the laughter, the lessons, the protection and the love. You were my first hero, my protector and my safe place. Even now, you remain my anchor.
I miss you more than words can ever express. I will carry you with me in every step I take, in every choice I make, and in every moment of joy and sorrow. I will strive to live a life that would make you proud. I promise.
Allah Ubangiji Ya yi maka rahama.
Your son, forever and always.
Hashim Yusuf Hassan.
Opinion
Kano Environment Ministry: The Reforms We Began and the Legacy We Leave
By Dr Dahir M. Hashim
Outgoing Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change and Commissioner for Water Resources, Kano State.
Looking back on my time at the Kano State Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, one of the achievements I value most is the growing recognition of environmental protection as a shared responsibility and a critical component of public health, community wellbeing, livelihoods and the future of our state.
Over time, environmental issues became more prominent in public discourse, with more residents participating in government programmes, supporting interventions and demanding accountability. This growing public engagement remains one of the most rewarding aspects of our work.
For this, I am deeply grateful to the people of Kano State.
My journey at the ministry began on January 6, 2025, when His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, entrusted me with the responsibility of leading the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change.
I assumed office at a time when the sector faced significant challenges. Public facilities had deteriorated, existing policies required updating, enforcement mechanisms were weak, and frontline workers were owed outstanding payments. However, the governor recognised the enormous potential of the ministry and provided the political backing and institutional support needed to begin the process of rebuilding it.
Rebuilding environmental infrastructure
One of the areas where we recorded significant progress was the restoration of government-owned tree nurseries. Eight previously non-functional facilities were fully rehabilitated, restoring the state’s capacity to produce seedlings locally and sustainably.
Building on the administration’s three-million-tree planting programme in 2024, the initiative expanded to five million seedlings in 2025 and ten million in 2026. Significantly, all the seedlings were raised in government-owned nurseries.
Beyond the impressive numbers, the achievement represented the revival of public infrastructure and the restoration of the state’s capacity to sustain its environmental programmes without depending entirely on external sources of seedlings.
We also prioritised the restoration of the Kano State Pollution Control Laboratory. The facility was renovated, equipped and recommissioned, providing the state with renewed scientific capacity to test and monitor pollution, generate environmental data and strengthen regulatory enforcement.
To consolidate these efforts, we operationalised the Environmental Pollution Control Law and developed the Environmental Pollution and Waste Control Regulations, providing a stronger legal and institutional framework for environmental protection.
Improving waste management and flood control
At the Refuse Management and Sanitation Board (REMASAB), we introduced reforms aimed at improving the coordination of waste collection, evacuation and disposal. These interventions made waste management operations more organised and responsive, supporting the evacuation of approximately one million metric tonnes of waste.
We also restored the Dorayi Compost Plant to operation, reviving its capacity to convert organic waste into useful compost. Beyond addressing waste disposal challenges, the facility offers opportunities for investment, employment and the development of a circular economy.
Recognising the recurring threat of flooding in several communities, we undertook drainage construction, clearance and erosion-control interventions across flood-prone areas.
The stormwater harvesting intervention in Toranke and the development of the Kano State Drainage Master Plan were particularly important components of our broader strategy to strengthen flood management and move towards more sustainable urban drainage planning.
Our approach was not limited to responding to immediate environmental challenges. We also sought to establish a framework for long-term resilience and better management of the state’s environmental resources.
Restoring public parks and recreational spaces
Another area of progress was the rehabilitation of public parks and recreational facilities.
We restored four public parks, with additional facilities undergoing similar interventions. Parks that had suffered years of neglect were given new management arrangements and clearer maintenance responsibilities.
These interventions were designed to restore public spaces where families could relax, children could play and residents could enjoy a healthier urban environment.
The reforms also produced encouraging financial results, with the combined annual revenue generated by the parks increasing from approximately ₦5 million to ₦90 million.
This demonstrated that properly managed public recreational facilities can serve both social and economic purposes while contributing to the state’s revenue base.
Building a stronger policy and climate governance framework
Perhaps one of the most important aspects of our work was the effort to strengthen the policy and legislative foundations of environmental governance in Kano State.
During my tenure, we developed the Kano State Climate Change Policy, alongside its implementation plan and results framework. We also advanced the Climate Change Bill and undertook a review of the state’s Forestry Law, which had remained largely unchanged for more than five decades.
In addition, we developed the Climate Finance Reform Action and Implementation Plan and the Green Bond Framework to position Kano State to attract investment for environmental protection, climate adaptation and sustainable development.
These initiatives were intended to ensure that environmental governance would not depend solely on individual administrations or isolated interventions but would be supported by policies, laws and institutions capable of sustaining progress over time.
Kano State’s third-place finish in the 2026 Climate Governance Performance Ranking and the opportunity to present our work at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, were encouraging milestones.
They demonstrated the potential of consistent institutional support, strategic planning and collective action to improve the state’s standing in environmental and climate governance.
However, such recognition should not be viewed merely as an award or international exposure. It should serve as a reminder of the responsibility to sustain the reforms and deliver tangible benefits to the people.
Putting environmental workers at the centre of reforms
I have always believed that environmental reforms cannot succeed without the commitment and welfare of the people who implement them.
Street sweepers, sanitation workers, environmental inspectors and forest guards constitute the backbone of environmental management. Unfortunately, many of these frontline workers had experienced difficult working conditions and outstanding payment challenges.
With the support of Governor Yusuf, we cleared nine months of salary arrears owed to 2,369 verified street sweepers and doubled their stipends.
We also re-engaged environmental inspectors and forest guards while doubling the stipends of 875 sanitation vanguards.
These interventions were not merely administrative decisions. They were an acknowledgement of the dignity of labour and the indispensable contribution of frontline workers to maintaining a clean, safe and healthy environment.
I remain grateful to these men and women whose daily sacrifices often go unnoticed but whose contributions are essential to the wellbeing of our communities.
A legacy of collective responsibility
As Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf restructures the ministries and appoints a new Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change, my overriding feeling is one of gratitude.
I am particularly grateful to His Excellency for the confidence he reposed in me, the opportunity to serve and the support he provided throughout my tenure. His willingness to listen to proposals and support difficult but necessary decisions made it possible for us to undertake many of the reforms highlighted in this account.
I also appreciate the staff of the ministry and its agencies, community leaders, development partners, civil society organisations, young volunteers, private-sector operators and residents who contributed to our work.
Their participation, constructive criticism, patience and cooperation helped shape our interventions and improve their implementation.
I must emphasise that these achievements are not the accomplishment of one individual. They are the product of collective effort, institutional commitment and the contributions of many people who believed that Kano deserved a cleaner, greener and more environmentally sustainable future.
To the incoming Honourable Commissioner, I extend my congratulations and wish you success in this important responsibility. I also assure you of my willingness to offer any necessary support to sustain the progress already made and advance the environmental agenda of our dear state.
Public service is ultimately about the people and the institutions we build to serve them. Positions may change, and responsibilities may be transferred, but the obligation to contribute to society remains.
Serving Kano State as Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change has been a profound privilege. I leave with gratitude for the opportunity, satisfaction in the progress recorded and the hope that the foundations we have laid will continue to support a cleaner, greener and more resilient Kano.
Thank you, Kano State, for the trust and support.
Dr Dahir M. Hashim is the Commissioner for Water Resources and outgoing Commissioner for Environment and Climate Change, Kano State.
Opinion
Election-Era Extravagance: Why Nigeria Must Reject the Latest Debt Plan
Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru
Adding a staggering $20.52 billion and €1.05 billion to Nigeria’s debt burden is more than an economic miscalculation; it is a source of heartbreak for a nation already brought to its knees. At a time when millions of citizens are struggling to afford a single meal, grappling with historic inflation and watching their futures slip away, the government’s response appears to be to pile yet another mountain of debt on the country. This raises a painful question for every suffering Nigerian: When will our leaders finally acknowledge the pain their decisions inflict, and when will the bleeding stop?
The timing of this massive loan request is particularly troubling. Seeking to secure huge foreign loans on the eve of intense political activity and election seasons, when public anxiety is high and attention is divided, risks depriving citizens of the robust accountability the country deserves. Rather than looking inward, exercising fiscal discipline and improving public revenue management, the government appears to be rushing to mortgage the nation’s collective future. It feels less like responsible governance and more like a desperate attempt to lock in liabilities before the public can challenge them.
Nigeria’s national debt profile is already a ticking time bomb, placing enormous pressure on every sector of society. Every additional dollar borrowed increases the country’s financial obligations and diverts revenue that could otherwise support schools, equip hospitals and protect vulnerable citizens. Adding more than $20 billion to this burden risks pushing the country closer to the brink of a debt crisis, threatening to leave future generations trapped in a cycle of economic dependence. How much more hardship can ordinary Nigerians endure before the consequences of unsustainable borrowing become overwhelming?
We are repeatedly offered the same promises that these loans will transform electricity, roads, healthcare and education. But good intentions without transparency and accountability are not enough. Where is the visible evidence that previous loans have translated into better living conditions for ordinary Nigerians? Instead of seeing the promised improvements, many citizens continue to grapple with rising poverty while the country’s debt burden grows. When projects fail to generate sufficient economic returns to justify their costs, the burden ultimately falls on ordinary citizens through higher taxes, deteriorating public services and deeper economic hardship.
Before anyone commits future generations to repaying billions of dollars in new loans, the government must look Nigerians in the eye and explain how existing public resources are being managed. Why does borrowing appear to be the easiest option while systemic corruption and inefficiencies in public spending remain major concerns? Nigerians are exhausted by a system that leaves them bearing the consequences of decisions over which they have little control.
The country does not need another mountain of debt built on promises alone. It needs leaders committed to transparency, fiscal discipline, prudent resource management and the welfare of the people they have sworn to serve. Any new borrowing must be justified by clear development objectives, independently verifiable benefits and a credible repayment plan.
Nigeria cannot borrow its way out of every economic challenge. The government must demonstrate that it has exhausted reasonable alternatives, established safeguards against waste and corruption, and put the public interest above political convenience. Without these assurances, further borrowing risks deepening the hardship Nigerians already face and transferring an even heavier burden to generations yet unborn.
Dr Saleh Adamu Kwaru, is former staff of Central Bank of Nigeria.
