Opinion
A reply to Dan’uwa Rano’s from makafi to awakai: the display of blind plotics and political idolatry
Ibrahim Bello-Kano
I’ve read Danuwa Rano’s post as a trained and professional critic of prose works, both fictional and non-fictional (the kind of writing in which the writer and the narrator are the same person, and in which there is a direct mode of address to the purported reader of the writing, the text). Thus, my response to this post, shared on this platform, is three-fold.
1. The writer, Danuwa Rano, is a well-known member or sympathiser of the APC in Kano and a supporter of an aspiring APC candidate for the position of the Gov. of Kano State, despite his critical yet digressive comment on the Gov of Jigawa, Namadi, Abubakar Rimi, and Aminu Kano, to cite just those three. In my academic field, we train our students in the literary criticism of non-fictional texts to look for the writer’s MOTIVE for writing. Usually, in this kind of writing, the writer does not reveal his motive (which is usually hidden) for writing directly but takes detours, digressions, and other textual strategies of establishing some nuggets of “authenticity”. Just a ploy to deceive the unsuspecting or the gullible reeader, to say the least. If and where the writer is well known, we also seek to read his previous works, including his podcasts, interviews, or open attitudinal-ideological stance in relation to public discourse.
2. We also probe the text for its linguistic “unsaids” or “non-saids”, namely its TONE and the perspectival presentation of events and people (we call this reading or interpretive strategy “symptomatic reading”). It’s interesting that the writer himself reveals that his text was inspired by a previous one critical of Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya movement, written by Auwal Anwar.
3. After a thinly veiled ideological bad faith on the part of Danuwa Rano, he delves into a moralistic discourse, namely that God/Allah has created human beings with dignity and with self-worth, higher than those of the animals such as “goats”; and much more integrative than the blind (“makafi”). But Danuwa Rano is clearly not very educated in how language, in this case Hausa and English, work. In language, in Hausa, we call or regard someone that is a maestro, a highly gifted person, in any vocation or an endeavor, as, or by describing him as “shege” or “maye” in or about something that we admire or value (masterly). Why is that? Language has both DENOTATION and CONNOTATION. In any Hausa dictionary, the denotation of “Shege” would be “bastard” (illegitimate within the marriage-kinship and cultural system). But when used in the context of connotation, “Shege” describes someone with admirable skills, in appreciation of his or her skills, mastery, and distinguished capacities. Alas, this is what Danuwa Rano has missed. So, in every linguistic comminity, symbolism, figuration, and emblematic descriptions are never far away from the symbolic sphere of experience. Here’s another example from the English language. Expressions such as “evil genius” and the Latinate “maestro” exist because symbolisation or figural descriptions are creative, a way of coming into the undecidable space of appreciation and appropriation, including the anxiety about what we denote in the cultural-linguistic game, and in our unconscious.
4. Rather bizarrely and crudely, perhaps even maliciously, Danuwa Rano fails to see, blinded by his ideological moralism, that whenever the Kwankwasiyya people call themselves “makafi” and “awaki” they are, in fact, ENGAGING IN the SYMBOLIC PARODY of their opponents, that is, those who criticise them for being resolute and committed political agents in a certain way. To borrow a metaphor from Michel Foucault, it is the Kwankwasiyya people’s way of “self-presentation” in the political and democratic arena. Indeed, it was the same process at work when the British Workers called themselves “Chartists” (based on their Charter of Demands). But we know that a group of human beings cannot be a List or a Charter. Rather, in language, any group can identify with a colour (“Red” for communists and Marxists; Green for Muslims; or with emblems (the Crescent Moon, The Cross, or the Hammer and Sickle, or just an Effigy; a country’s or a state’s “coat of arms”). Should we assume, then, that the Kwankwasiyya followers are physically, intellectually, or ideologically blind? But if they were, they would not work for someone, Senator Kwankwaso (RMK), that they couldn’t have literally “seen”.
5. Danuwa Rano is such a poor writer, such a poorly educated person on how language and symbolisation actually work, that he mistook a figural statement as intransitively real and factual. What a pity! In fact, I am tempted here to cite the famous argument of the German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche, that language as such is only a doxa (opinion) rather than (a) truth (episteme). In this view, language is a kind of rhetoric and thus inherently rhetorical. For example, in the Hausa “Kirari” system, any one can call themselves a lion, a mouse, an elephant, or even a fox, or even, indeed, a “merciless killer”, one who does not and would not spare his enemies. I recall, in my youth, my father admiringly calling my mother “uwar garke” (“the mother of the herd”, his herd) but does that mean she was a cow, the female head of a herd of cows? Certainly not!
6. It is a mark of Danuwa Rano’s ideological project that he mistakes linguistic and symbolic parody for the literal thing. Hence, his weak, unconvincing, and flat moralistic attacks on RMK and the Kwankwasiyya people. The latter are saying that they are deeply committed to their political projects, that they are not the typical political opportunists, fortune chasers, and the “fair weather people” that one finds in the Kano APC. In addition, the Kwankwasiyya “Makafi” are also saying that they see clearly where their principled allegiance lies.
7. If Danuwa Rano were a careful, perceptive thinker or writer of political innuendo, he would have seen something prevalent in the history of Kano since the 18th century, namely the tradition of following religious, sectoral leaders, as seen in the mass of committed followers in Kano of the Tariqa, the Shia, and the Izala, to mention just those three. It’s hard not to find a Kano man or woman that is not openly oriented to those three groups.
8. It is, without a doubt, the same temperament that one still finds in the secular political sphere in Kano. Expecting otherwise in the political sphere of the community is either short-sighted or willful blindness or sheer ignorance, all all three. Or, one might ignore all this in furtherance of his un-stated ideological-political agenda.
9. Let me reiterate a point that I have always argued in public: Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is, without a doubt, a veritable political leader for many reasons. There is not one politician in Kano today who has the deep and wide charisma as to draw a huge crowd of enthusiastic supporters, with the charm and grace that can score, or in fact has scored, over one million votes in Kano State in the elections. His party’s candidate for Governor scored well over a million votes in the 2023 elections. Even Tinubu lost in Lagos in the 2023 elections (only scored anout 600, 000 votes). For that reason and many others (RMK’s cosmic patience, personal Promesean and Sysipusian endurance, his political sagacity and capacity for brilliant and moving political oratory— the “Ma-a-ha chant”), he is the target of disgruntled enemies, the object of deep malice but that is obscured or hidden as “objective analysis”.
10. But hate him or love him, despite Kwankwasiyya movement or not, one must accept that RMK is simply the modern expression of the new politics that is gripping the imagination of young people and that of perceptive, politically committed intellectuals, those who know what is at stake in the political future of Kano State and Nigeria as a whole.
11. Imagine a political leader, the one whose previously opportunistic followers had deserted when he left office, the man who stayed out of power and elective office for eight years, the man who founded a political party within eight months to the national elections, and yet him and his party swept the board, won virtually all the elective offices, including the Govenorship. I daresay such a man, RMK, is naturally the target of malice, envy, and bruised political egos. Danuwa Rano’s virtuperations on RMK and the Kwankwasiyya movement is one more example of crudely malicious, badly conceived, poorly written attacks on modern Kano’s most successful person and his movement.
Ibrahim Bello-Kano.
Opinion
State Police in Nigeria: Understanding the true position of the proposed constitutional framework
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.)
The renewed national debate on state policing has sparked intense discussions. Supporters see it as a solution to Nigeria’s worsening security challenges. Critics, however, fear political abuse and threats to national unity. Given these differing views, it is important to understand the true constitutional position of the current proposals before the National Assembly.
An examination of the *Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Sixth Alteration) Bill, 2026 (SB. 1055)*, along with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) analysis of the earlier House Bill (HB. 617), shows that the proposed framework is neither a full transfer of policing powers to the states nor a continuation of the current centralized system. Instead, it introduces a cooperative federal policing model.
This model balances state autonomy with national standards and constitutional safeguards.
The first key point is that the Federal Police will not be abolished. The proposal creates a Federal Police Service while allowing State Police Services to operate alongside it. The Federal Police will continue to handle federal responsibilities, including counter-terrorism, cybercrime investigations, border security, organized crime, inter-state offences, and the protection of federal institutions and assets.
It is also important to note that state policing is not compulsory. States that lack the financial or institutional capacity to establish their own police services can continue to rely entirely on the Federal Police Service. In simple terms, the amendment gives states a choice, not an obligation, to establish their own police organizations.
The proposed framework sets strict conditions before a State Police Service can begin operations. A state must pass its own enabling law, establish the required institutions, and obtain certification confirming that it meets nationally defined minimum standards.
These standards will cover recruitment, training, vetting, discipline, firearms management, the use of force, accountability systems, and criminal information management.
One of the most debated issues is the possibility of federal interference in state policing. The Senate Bill addresses this concern by limiting federal intervention to exceptional situations. Such intervention may occur where there is an actual or imminent breakdown of public order. It may also occur if a governor requests assistance, if a State Police Service becomes unable to function, if there is evidence of widespread violations of fundamental rights, or if threats extend beyond state borders and affect national security.
Any federal intervention must be temporary, necessary, and proportionate. It must also be subject to judicial review. The President must authorize it in writing, and notice must be given to the Governor, the State House of Assembly, the National Police Council, and the National Assembly. In addition, such intervention cannot dissolve a State Police Service or suspend democratic institutions, except as permitted under existing constitutional provisions.
The framers of the Bill have also addressed concerns about possible misuse of State Police Services by governors. The proposed safeguards expressly prohibit governors from directing State Commissioners of Police to target political opponents, political parties, associations, or groups outside the provisions of the law.
Commissioners who believe a directive is unlawful or inconsistent with national standards may seek a review through the appropriate Police Service Commission or the courts.
To strengthen institutional independence, the proposed amendments provide security of tenure for both the Inspector-General of Police and State Commissioners of Police. Their removal would require valid reasons, a fair hearing, recommendations from the National Police Council, and approval by a two-thirds majority of the relevant legislature.
These measures reflect widely accepted international standards for democratic policing.
Another important feature of the framework is the clear limitation on federal control over State Police Services. While the National Assembly will establish national minimum standards, it will not exercise routine control over appointments, promotions, transfers, suspensions, dismissals, or operational decisions within State Police Services. The only exception is during constitutionally approved interventions.
This approach preserves state autonomy while ensuring consistent professional and ethical standards nationwide.
The PLAC analysis correctly notes that the proposed model does not create a fully independent state policing system. Instead, it incorporates elements of federal oversight to address concerns relating to funding, accountability, human rights protection, and potential political misuse. The objective is to decentralize policing without weakening national unity or undermining the constitutional order.
Viewed objectively, the proposed amendment seeks to balance local responsiveness with national integrity. It aims to bring policing closer to communities while maintaining safeguards against abuse. It also protects the shared security interests of the Federation.
In essence, Nigeria is not moving toward two competing police systems. Rather, it is moving toward a cooperative federal policing arrangement. This model recognizes the need for local control of security issues while preserving constitutional mechanisms that safeguard democracy, human rights, and national unity.
The success of this initiative will depend not only on constitutional provisions but also on the strength of institutions, adherence to professionalism, and the political will to uphold the rule of law. Like any major reform in a democratic society, state policing should be judged not only by fears but also by the safeguards it contains and the practical benefits it can bring to the security and welfare of Nigerians.
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd.).
By Jamilu Uba Adamu
Since 1987, June 26 has been designated by the United Nations as the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking—a day set aside to raise awareness about the dangers of drug abuse and its devastating effects on individuals and society. This year’s theme, “The World Drug Problem: Persisting Issues, New Challenges, Innovative Responses,” reminds us that while the fight against drugs continues, our strategies must evolve.
Simply put, the drug problem is still with us. New drugs continue to emerge, and we must respond with innovative solutions, including the use of sports to keep our youths engaged and productive.
Nigeria’s greatest resource is not oil; it is its youth. The energy, creativity, and determination of young people will determine whether we build a stronger nation or lose a generation. One of the most effective tools for channeling that energy positively is sports—but only when it is built on discipline.
Sports is more than playing football on weekends or sprinting on the track. It teaches valuable life lessons. When a young person wakes up at 5:00 a.m. for training, they learn punctuality. When a team loses and returns to train harder, they learn resilience. When eleven players on a pitch follow the instructions of one coach, they learn respect for authority, teamwork, and discipline.
Here in Kano, the effects of drug abuse are both painful and visible. Drug abuse is fueling fadan daba, phone snatching, and other violent crimes across our streets and communities. The truth is simple: idle hands are the devil’s workshop, while busy feet on the pitch have little time for crime or drugs.
Talent without discipline is wasted talent. Many of our youths possess enormous potential, but without discipline, that potential often turns into frustration. Discipline means:
- Self-control — saying “no” to peer pressure, drugs, and violence.
- Consistency — training even when no one is watching.
- Respect — for rules, opponents, coaches, and oneself.
A boxer who cannot control his temper outside the ring will never become a champion inside it. A footballer who skips training will never wear the national jersey. Discipline is the bridge between potential and achievement.
In our communities, we see too many young lives derailed by drugs. The equation is clear: idleness + bad company + lack of purpose = drug abuse. Sports helps break that cycle.
Let us encourage our youths to choose the pitch over the street corner and the “jungle.” Let them choose training over idleness. Let discipline be their guide in life, just as it is in sports.
To parents, schools, and government: invest in sports facilities and mentorship programmes across our 44 Local Government Areas. Every playing field we build in Kano is a prison we may never need. Every disciplined athlete we nurture is a future leader we secure.
If we get this right, Kano, with its vibrant and youthful population, will not only win trophies at national sporting events but will also reclaim its promising young people from the grip of drug abuse and crime.
Mr. Jamilu Uba Adamu is the Officer-in-Charge of Sports, NDLEA Kano Strategic Command.
He can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.
Urges electorate to remain peaceful, prayerful, and law-abiding
By Lamara Garba
The Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has declared that his political future, including the question of re-election in 2027, rests entirely in the hands of Almighty Allah, stressing that political power is neither a matter of life and death nor something that any individual can permanently give or take away.
Governor Yusuf made the remarks while addressing Kano pilgrims and Hajj officials in Makkah during a Sallah visit on Wednesday.
Speaking before hundreds of pilgrims, the Governor quoted verses from the Holy Qur’an, reminding the faithful that ultimate authority belongs to Allah alone, who grants power to whom He wills and withdraws it whenever He pleases.
According to him, while politicians and their supporters often become consumed by political calculations and permutations, true believers understand that leadership is a divine trust bestowed by Allah at His appointed time.
“Power belongs to Allah alone. He gives leadership to whom He wills and takes it away from whom He wills. No human being can stop what Allah has destined, and no one can impose what Allah has not ordained,” Governor Yusuf said.
The Governor noted that he remains completely submissive to the will of Allah regarding future political developments, including his possible re-election, insisting that his focus remains on serving the people of Kano State diligently rather than becoming distracted by political anxiety.
He stressed that elective office should never be viewed as a do-or-die affair, adding that public service is meaningful only when carried out with sincerity, the fear of God, and a commitment to the welfare of the people.
“Leadership is not a matter of life and death. What matters most is serving humanity, discharging one’s responsibilities faithfully, and leaving the rest to Allah. Whatever Allah decrees will surely come to pass,” he stated.
Governor Yusuf, however, urged Kano citizens to remain politically conscious and actively participate in the democratic process by ensuring that they possess valid voter cards ahead of future elections.
He called on those whose voter cards require renewal to do so promptly and encouraged eligible citizens who have not yet registered to take advantage of the registration exercise before it closes.
The Governor said voter registration remains a civic responsibility that enables citizens to exercise their constitutional right to choose leaders and contribute to the growth and development of society.
He also appealed to the pilgrims to continue praying for peace, unity, stability, and prosperity in Kano State and Nigeria as a whole.
Observers believe Governor Yusuf’s remarks reflect growing confidence within his administration following what many regard as remarkable achievements recorded over the past three years in education, healthcare, infrastructure development, agriculture, human capital development, and women and youth empowerment.
The Governor maintained that while political debates and speculations may continue, the final decision on who occupies positions of authority rests with Almighty Allah, whose decree cannot be altered by any human effort.
Kano says it executed 1,508 projects worth N928 billion in three years
World Cup: Imam warns Muslims against allowing football to distract from worship
Kano ranks best in ECOWAS on education spending index
Kano emerges top beneficiary as World Bank rewards states with $27m for reforms
NCC invites stakeholders to public consultation on zero-rated access to educational platforms
Kano recruits over 16,000 teachers, begins 10-year education reform plan
Kano delegation participates in international labour conference in Geneva
UBEC, UNICEF train education stakeholders on SBMCs in Northern Nigeria
Kano ranks best in ECOWAS on education spending index
