Opinion
Bauchi: A paradise for immunity seekers? How allegedly corrupt politicians are eyeing government house
Haroon Mustapha
For the attention of His Excellency, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
If two-term presidential politics is a game of two halves, then the first term is when a president sets direction, lays foundations, and begins to redirect the country toward a brighter future. The second term is when those gains are consolidated, the larger vision is executed, and a lasting legacy is secured. The ‘BAT’ years are positioned to become a defining period that repositions Nigeria regionally and internationally—no longer the tired story of a nation defined only by potential, but a 21st-century success story that converts potential into tangible national benefits.
That is precisely why Bauchi, like every other state in the federation, must not be allowed to become a paradise for immunity seekers. Past executive failures must not be recycled. Allegations of criminality must not be politically laundered. Questions over allegedly siphoned NNPC funds, claims of procurement abuse, and allegations touching on banditry or terrorism financing must not be brushed aside while Bauchi misses a genuine opportunity to reposition itself as a hub for tourism, agricultural investment, and strategic solid mineral development under your leadership.
Few tactics in politics are as cynical as the rush for constitutional immunity. Under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), governors are protected from civil and criminal proceedings while in office. For some Bauchi politicians, the timing of their ambitions raises serious concerns. With lingering allegations from their time in public service, the governorship can appear less like a platform for service and more like a constitutional shield.
Reports in the public domain suggest that individuals investigated or charged by the EFCC or ICPC are repositioning themselves as leaders seeking the people’s mandate—not necessarily to serve, but, critics argue, to evade accountability. Regardless of how such actors reframe their narratives, the public record cannot simply be ignored. This trend risks turning Bauchi into a haven for immunity seekers, weakening public trust, undermining governance, and damaging the reform legacy your administration seeks to build.
A prominent example is the current governor, Senator Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. Before his election in 2019, the former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory faced EFCC scrutiny. The anti-graft agency stated that he “was standing trial for money laundering at the time he won the election as governor of Bauchi State. Only the constitutional immunity from prosecution has put that case in abeyance.”
More recently, his administration has faced fresh scrutiny involving aides charged with money laundering and terrorism financing, with his name reportedly appearing in court filings. Governor Mohammed has dismissed these developments as political persecution. Critics, however, argue that his 2019 governorship bid may have been partly influenced by the protections of constitutional immunity. Whether one accepts the EFCC’s position or the governor’s defence, the optics remain troubling.
Reports also indicate that sections of Bauchi’s political elite are positioning Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti as Governor Mohammed’s preferred successor ahead of the 2027 elections. This raises an important question: is this confidence, or a reflection of a political class that believes public memory is short?
Dr Wunti, a career public servant, served in the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC), rising through several senior roles, including Group General Manager of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS). However, public records also contain allegations relating to his tenure, including claims of contract inflation and procurement irregularities.
While these allegations have not resulted in any conviction and have been dismissed by his supporters as baseless, their persistence in public discourse raises concerns. As he emerges as a potential governorship candidate, critics see a familiar pattern: individuals under scrutiny seeking offices that confer constitutional immunity.
Mr President, your administration has projected itself as reform-driven and committed to difficult but necessary decisions. The removal of fuel subsidy, exchange rate reforms, and fiscal restructuring are widely cited as evidence of that commitment. This is why the company your administration keeps is equally important.
The people of Bauchi are weary of unrealised potential—youth unemployment, weak healthcare systems, and underdeveloped economic sectors. The state holds vast opportunities in agriculture, tourism, and mineral resources, but these cannot be realised if leadership is driven by self-preservation rather than public service.
Your reform agenda is built on credibility. Associating with individuals facing serious allegations risks undermining that credibility. Public perception matters, both locally and globally. If Bauchi’s political succession becomes associated with unresolved allegations and political manoeuvring, it could reinforce concerns about accountability within the system.
Your legacy will not be judged solely by economic indicators but also by the standards you uphold and the precedents you set. Any perception that political offices are being used as shields against accountability risks weakening the broader narrative of reform and national renewal.
Bauchi’s political elite must decide whether protecting individuals facing serious allegations serves the people or perpetuates a cycle of impunity.
Mr President, you have demonstrated economic courage. You now face a test of political consistency. A lasting legacy requires reform without selective tolerance for corruption. Allowing Bauchi to become a refuge for immunity seekers would not only undermine the state’s future but also cast a shadow on the broader reform agenda.
The 2027 elections will test whether substance prevails over political expediency. Nigerians deserve leadership rooted in accountability, integrity, and genuine service.
We remain guided by your leadership, Mr President.
Mustapha writes from Bakin Kura Street, Bauchi.
Opinion
Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Opinion
Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
