Opinion
State Police: Nigeria Must Not Allow Fear to Stall Reform
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd), FSPSP, FIPMA, psc
Few national issues have generated as much debate in recent years as the proposal to establish state police in Nigeria. While many see decentralised policing as a necessary response to the country’s worsening security challenges, others remain sceptical, warning that it could revive the abuses associated with the defunct regional police system.
These concerns are understandable. Constitutional reforms, particularly those involving national security, should never be undertaken lightly. However, history should serve as a guide for better policymaking, not as a barrier to progress.
Nigeria has changed significantly since the regional police system was abolished more than five decades ago. The country now operates under a democratic constitutional order with stronger institutions, greater judicial independence, more active legislative oversight, a vibrant media, an increasingly influential civil society, and citizens who demand greater transparency and accountability.
These developments provide a far stronger foundation for implementing a decentralised policing system than existed in the past.
Rather than allowing historical mistakes to discourage reform, Nigeria should draw lessons from them and build robust safeguards capable of preventing their recurrence.
It is equally important to recognise that decentralised policing is neither unusual nor experimental. Many federal democracies successfully operate multiple policing structures with clearly defined constitutional responsibilities.
Countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia and India maintain both national and subnational police organisations that function under well-established legal frameworks, professional standards and independent oversight.
Nigeria therefore has the advantage of learning not only from its own history but also from international best practices.
A complementary system, not a replacement
One misconception surrounding the current proposal is that state police would replace the Nigeria Police Force.
That is not what is before the National Assembly.
The proposal seeks to establish a complementary policing structure where both federal and state police operate side by side under clearly defined constitutional responsibilities.
Under the arrangement, the Nigeria Police Force would continue to handle national security matters, terrorism, interstate and transnational crimes, organised criminal networks, border security and other federal offences.
State police, on the other hand, would focus primarily on community policing, enforcement of state laws, local intelligence gathering, neighbourhood crime prevention and rapid response to local security threats.
Such an arrangement would not weaken national security. Rather, it would allow the Federal Police to concentrate on strategic national responsibilities while bringing policing closer to the communities where crimes often originate.
Abuse is possible—but manageable
Perhaps the strongest argument against state police is the fear that governors may misuse the institution for political purposes.
That concern should not be dismissed. However, the possibility of abuse is not unique to policing.
Executive powers can be abused. Legislatures can misuse their authority. Electoral institutions can be manipulated. Yet democracies do not abolish these institutions because of potential abuse. Instead, they establish constitutional safeguards, independent oversight, judicial review and public accountability to minimise such risks.
The same principle should apply to state police.
The proposed constitutional framework already envisages stronger safeguards than existed under the old regional police arrangement. These include constitutional limitations on operational powers, minimum professional standards, legislative supervision, judicial scrutiny, independent oversight, intergovernmental coordination and clearly defined circumstances under which the Federal Government may intervene.
Such mechanisms are intended to ensure that policing remains accountable to the Constitution and the rule of law rather than to individual political office holders.
The limitations of centralised policing
Perhaps the strongest case for reform lies in Nigeria’s own experience.
For more than 50 years, the country has relied almost exclusively on a centralised policing structure. During that period, successive governments have introduced numerous reforms, recruited more officers, reorganised commands, procured equipment and reviewed policing strategies.
Yet insecurity has continued to evolve and, in many parts of the country, worsen.
This is not an indictment of the Nigeria Police Force or its personnel, whose sacrifices under extremely difficult conditions deserve national recognition.
Rather, it suggests that the complexity and scale of Nigeria’s present-day security challenges require a broader institutional response.
Today’s security threats are increasingly localised. Criminal intelligence is often generated within communities. Effective policing depends on officers who understand local languages, customs, terrain and social dynamics.
A properly regulated state police system could significantly improve intelligence gathering, enhance community trust and enable quicker responses to emerging threats.
Reform is part of democracy
No constitutional reform is ever perfect from the outset.
Democratic societies continuously improve their institutions as experience reveals strengths and weaknesses.
Should the implementation of state police expose gaps in the legal framework, both the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly possess the constitutional authority to strengthen oversight mechanisms, amend relevant laws and improve operational procedures.
That is how enduring democratic institutions evolve.
Nigeria should therefore approach the state police debate with confidence, constitutional discipline and careful planning—not fear.
If properly designed and responsibly implemented, state police can strengthen community safety, improve intelligence gathering, deepen cooperation with the Nigeria Police Force and bring law enforcement closer to the people without undermining national unity.
After more than five decades of relying on a single centralised policing model, providing a carefully regulated complementary policing system with an opportunity is not a leap into the unknown. It is a measured constitutional response to changing security realities, informed by history, enriched by international experience and grounded in democratic principles.
The real question is not whether reform carries risks. Every meaningful reform does.
The real question is whether Nigeria has the wisdom to learn from its past, the courage to improve its institutions and the determination to build a policing system capable of meeting the security needs of its people.
History should remain our teacher—not our jailer.
DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Rtd), FSPSP, FIPMA, psc is a former commissioner of Police in Kano.
Opinion
Zalla-Zalla: Where I Stand – Prof Abdalla Uba Adamu
Prof Abdalla Uba Adamu
I had previously pledged to close this focus from my repertoire. However, I think there is a need to further clarify one thing to friends and foes concerning my stand on the ongoing raging debate about ethnicity and identity in Hausalandia. I felt it is necessary because of two reasons.
First, some highly considered colleagues have started accusing me of “supporting” one faction, i.e. the Hausa Zalla faction, “despite you being a Fulani.” Second, Farooq Kperogi plans a diaspora debate on the issue and has asked for nominated speakers. My name kept popping up as a panelist. So, let’s clear the air.
I am NOT Hausa Zalla. I am NOT Fulani Zalla. I am NOT Hausa-Fulani Zalla.
I am Abdalla Zalla.
I stand on the side of the truth, no matter where it leans. I am not moved by emotions, but by cold, hard, scientific logic. Hard core evidence of arguments, not speculations or suppositions. Let me share a personal experience to explain how I evolved to where I am now.
My father was a historian. In writing his book, “Confluences and Influences: The Emergence of Kano as a City State,” I was tasked with typing the manuscript from his handwritten notes. In the process, I came across an argument that disturbed me. I printed it, and took to him for a second look. The following approximated the conversation we held.
“Kawu, can you read this passage and confirm its authenticity”
He took it, read it and said,
“What’s the problem?”
“Your argument! You wrote that “the Jihad in Kano was not justified”! Are you sure that’s what you want write?”
“Yes, that’s what I wanted to write. But, still, what’s the problem?”
“But you are Torodbe Fulani, and have been emphasizing that! Are you aware that people who read your book will consider this view sacrilegious?”
“So? That’s their problem not mine. I stand by the passage: the Jihad in Kano was not justified, at least on the basis of religion. Being a Torodbe should not blind me to the truth. And this one of the legacies I want to you to have from me.”
That was my epiphany moment. And I finished typing the manuscript, the book was published and was moderately successful. No one, to the best of my knowledge, challenged at least in print, the Kantoma’s interpretation of the Jihad in Kano. I take the old man’s counsel. Stand with the truth as I interpret and understand if. I perfectly accept different interpretations, but not forceful acceptance.
So far, all the data I have at my disposal points to one incontrovertible fact: Hausa ethnic group existed for centuries. The archeological data supports it, all the way from the Republic of Niger to southern Zaria.
Another cold fact was the recorded arrival of Islam at least in Kano after 1349 and before 1380. Sarki Ali Yaji, who accepted Islam, declared war on those who did not—thus waging the FIRST Jihad in West Africa.
Now, where things get interesting was the view that he and those who accepted Islam retain their Hausa identity. Those who did not accept Islam were declassified from Hausa identity and were classified, by the Muslims, as Maguzawa. But who did this? Certainly not the Hausa themselves.
But they are still Hausa. Being Christians/Animists does not erase their identity. And what about the New Humanists? Regular Muslim Hausa folk who suddenly became atheists or agnostics? Do they also suddenly cease to become Hausa? Thus, when you look closely at this definition of Hausaness being bandied about, it becomes questionable. That a Hausa person is he who is living in Hausalandia, is a Muslim and speaks the Hausa language.
The authority for their Hausaness of the Maguzawa (man, I HATE this label) was Paul Krusius. He was an early 20th-century German ethnographer and scholar who authored one of the foundational academic studies on the Maguzawa whom he described as the non-Muslim, animist Hausa people. His 1915 monograph, (Die Maguzawa) The Maguzawa. Trans by Gisela Seidensticker-Brikay remains a primary historical source for anthropologists and Africanists studying pre-Islamic Hausa culture, religion (Bori and Maguzanci), and the socio-religious dynamics of Northern Nigeria.
Therefore, the Maguzawa, who never actually refer themselves as such, are Hausa, but non-Muslim. Being Hausa refers to shared culture, language (Hausa), history, and heritage, regardless of faith. These attributes don’t disappear simply because they are not Muslims. In Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and many other places, there are millions of Christian Arabs. Does their Christianity erase their Arabness? If not, why should being non-Muslim erase Hausa identity?
The Fulani appeared in Hausalandia in the middle of 15th century. Before their arrival, kingdoms with Muslim structures had existed for centuries. Their proliferation led to intermarriages with the local Hausa women. This is fine and wonderful. However, the products of such marriage do not create a new ethnicity. Thus, the term Hausa-Fulani is primarily a socio-political and regional designator rather than a single homogeneous ethnic group created purely by intermarriage. Such products speak principally the language of Hausalandia. BUT if they decide to become Christians, which part of the hyphenated do they lose?
As such, intermarriage between two ethnic groups does not “cancel” or erase either underlying ethnicity. Ethnicity is a fluid socio-cultural construct based on language, history, geographic lineage, and shared identity—not a biological sum that automatically resets to zero.
So, once more, I am informing all friends, foes and those on the edge, I do not belong to any of the current Zalla movements. I will therefore decline any invitation to be part of any panel discussion on this, with all due apologies to my proposed nomination.
To make it easy for you to understand, I affirm my view that the Hausa ethnic group exists. Maguzawa however they are labeled, are Hausa and are real. That religion is not a factor in determining ethnicity. That you can be in Russia and still be Hausa if you are Hausa and from Hausalandia.
I belong to Gaskiya Zalla. No matter where the needle turns and points.
Abdalla Zalla.
Abdalla Uba Adamu is a professor of media and cultural studies at Faculty of Communication, Bayero University, Kano. This was first published on his Facebook account.
Opinion
From Grade Level 03 to Director: A 35-Year Journey of Resilience and Service
Binta Bala, PhD
Thirty-five years ago, on August 18, 1991, I walked into the Kano State Ministry of Education as a Grade Level 03 Laboratory Attendant, armed with an SSCE certificate, hope and a determination to build a meaningful career.
Today, August 18, 2026, I close that chapter of my life as a substantive Director on Grade Level 16, having served in charge of Persons with Special Needs.
When I look back at the journey, the first words that come to my mind are: Alhamdulillah. Alhamdulillah.
My career was never simply about climbing the civil service ladder. It was a journey marked by dreams, challenges, learning, perseverance and, above all, service to humanity.
I am a woman living with a physical disability and a survivor of polio. I walk with the support of a walking stick, but I have never allowed my physical condition to define who I am or determine what I can achieve.
There were obstacles. There were difficult moments. There were times when the journey demanded more courage than I thought I possessed. But I refused to surrender.
I resisted. I persevered. I kept moving forward.
My walking stick supported my steps, but it was faith, determination, education, courage and resilience that carried me through the larger journey. I chose to concentrate on my abilities rather than my limitations.
That decision changed my life.
After 35 years of service, I retire with a PhD and the privilege of having served as a pioneer Director in charge of Persons with Special Needs under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs, Kano State.
For me, this is more than a career achievement. It is a testimony that disability is not inability.
Circumstances may influence the road we travel, but they do not necessarily determine our destination.
My family, my colleagues
I owe a profound debt of gratitude to my family. Thank you for your love, sacrifices, prayers and unwavering support. Thank you for believing in my abilities rather than allowing my disability to become the focus of my identity.
To my colleagues, mentors, friends and well-wishers, I say thank you for making the journey easier and more meaningful.
To every child, woman and person with special needs whose life we have had the privilege of touching, I also say thank you.
You taught me resilience, courage and the true meaning of service. You reminded me every day why inclusion matters.
My greatest reward has never been the positions I attained. It has been the opportunity to serve humanity, promote inclusion, challenge barriers and contribute, in whatever way I could, to improving the lives of others.
A message to persons with disabilities
My journey carries a message for every person who has ever been told, directly or indirectly, that they cannot succeed because of a disability.
Do not give up. Believe in yourself. Keep moving.
Your limitation does not have to become the limit of your destiny.
I know what it means to encounter barriers. I also know what it means to overcome them. The journey may be difficult, but difficulty should never be mistaken for impossibility.
Asking for forgiveness
As I retire from active public service, I wish to sincerely apologise to everyone I may have offended, disappointed or wronged during the course of my career, whether knowingly or unknowingly.
I ask for your forgiveness and understanding.
At the same time, I wholeheartedly forgive everyone who may have wronged, offended or hurt me throughout my career.
I choose to leave the past with a peaceful heart and move into the next chapter with gratitude, forgiveness and goodwill.
The work continues
Retirement from active public service does not mean retirement from the cause of inclusion.
Kano will always have my support and goodwill. My commitment to the protection, inclusion and empowerment of persons with disabilities remains strong.
I therefore appeal to all stakeholders to continue the work of safeguarding and empowering persons with disabilities.
My door remains open. The work must continue.
I hand the baton to you all.
As I close this chapter, I thank Allah, my family, colleagues, mentors, friends and everyone who contributed to this remarkable journey.
I say nagode, nagode.
Alhamdulillah bi ni‘imatihi tatimmus-salihat.
May Allah accept the service, forgive the shortcomings and bless the next chapter.
Thirty-five years of service.
One remarkable journey.
A lifetime of gratitude.
Alhamdulillah.
Binta Bala, PhD is a apioneer Director in charge of Persons with Special Needs under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs, Kano State.
Opinion
Kano State Out-of-School Children Survey Report 2026: From Evidence to Impact — A Roadmap For Educational Development
Dr Auwalu Halilu
The Kano State Accountability Forum on Education (K-SAFE) warmly congratulates the Kano State Government, the Ministry of Education and its development partners on the successful completion and presentation of the Kano State Out-of-School Children (OOSC) Household Survey Report 2026.
The conduct of this comprehensive survey across the 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State represents an important milestone in the state’s efforts to address one of its most critical educational challenges. The availability of credible, disaggregated and geographically specific data provides Kano State with a stronger evidence base for planning, resource allocation, implementation, monitoring and accountability.
The findings demand urgent and sustained action. The survey estimates that 13.34 per cent of children aged 5–18 are out of school, representing approximately 875,593 children across Kano State. It further demonstrates significant disparities among Local Government Areas and identifies multiple barriers relating to poverty and financial constraints, school-related factors, family and cultural circumstances, child-related factors, distance and other structural challenges.
Particularly encouraging is the finding that 99.6 per cent of caregivers consider children’s education important or very important. This provides a powerful basis for action. It demonstrates that the challenge is not simply a lack of parental demand for education but is strongly connected to accessibility, affordability, quality, retention and the capacity of the education system to respond to the circumstances of vulnerable children and families.
K-SAFE, therefore, calls on the Kano State Government and all education stakeholders to ensure that this important survey does not end as a report but becomes a roadmap for coordinated action to drastically reduce and ultimately eliminate the phenomenon of out-of-school children in Kano State.
K-SAFE priorities
1. Make basic education truly compulsory and accessible
Kano State should strengthen the implementation and enforcement of compulsory basic education while simultaneously addressing the barriers that prevent children from enrolling, attending and completing school. Enforcement should therefore go hand in hand with practical measures that make education accessible, affordable, safe, inclusive and attractive to children and their families.
2. Prioritise high-burden LGAs and communities
The survey reveals major geographical disparities in OOSC rates. Government interventions should, therefore, be data-driven, with immediate attention given to LGAs, wards and communities with the highest OOSC burden. Resources should be targeted according to identified needs rather than applying uniform interventions across all communities.
3. Strengthen SUBEB and the formal basic education system
The Kano State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) should be further strengthened to expand access, improve school infrastructure, provide adequate teachers and learning materials, strengthen school-level monitoring and improve the overall quality of basic education.
Particular attention should be given to school proximity, teacher availability, retention and transition.
4. Expand and strengthen non-formal and alternative education
Formal schooling alone cannot adequately respond to the diverse circumstances of all out-of-school children. The Kano State Agency for Mass Education (SAME) should, therefore, receive increased institutional, financial, human and material support to expand flexible and community-based non-formal education programmes, literacy centres, second-chance education and vocational learning opportunities.
5. Strengthen Qur’anic, Tsangaya and Islamiyya education integration
The relevant board responsible for Qur’anic, Islamiyya and Tsangaya education should be adequately supported to strengthen the integration of Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN), basic education, life skills and vocational competencies into appropriate Qur’anic and Tsangaya learning environments.
This is particularly important considering the survey’s findings concerning children attending Tsangaya/Almajiri schools and the significant representation of boys among the OOSC population.
**6. Promote technical, vocational and employability skills**
The Science and Technical Schools Board and other relevant technical and vocational education institutions should be strategically engaged in providing flexible skills-development pathways for older out-of-school children, adolescents and young people.
Non-formal education should go beyond basic literacy and numeracy to include vocational skills, entrepreneurship, digital literacy, financial literacy and employability competencies that can support young people in transitioning into productive livelihoods.
**7. Address the economic and social barriers to education**
The survey demonstrates that the OOSC challenge is multidimensional. Education interventions should, therefore, be linked with social protection, poverty reduction, school feeding where feasible, community mobilisation, child protection, livelihood support and other measures that address the underlying conditions pushing children out of school.
**8. Establish a strong OOSC monitoring and accountability framework**
The 2026 survey should serve as a baseline for continuous monitoring. Kano State should establish an integrated OOSC tracking mechanism linking the Ministry of Education, SUBEB, SAME, relevant Qur’anic/Tsangaya education authorities, technical education institutions, Local Government structures, traditional institutions, civil society organisations and development partners.
### A collective responsibility
K-SAFE believes that Kano State now has an important opportunity to move decisively from evidence to policy, from policy to implementation, and from implementation to measurable results.
Every child identified by this survey represents more than a statistic. Each represents a future that can be transformed through appropriate education, skills, protection and opportunity.
We, therefore, congratulate the Kano State Government and Ministry of Education on this important achievement and call upon all stakeholders—including government agencies, development partners, civil society organisations, traditional and religious leaders, communities, parents and the private sector—to utilise the findings to build a coordinated and adequately resourced response.
The data are now available. The barriers are clearer. **The priority must now be action.**
Together, Kano State can substantially reduce the number of out-of-school children and progressively ensure that every child has access to quality basic education, alternative learning opportunities and relevant skills for productive citizenship and sustainable livelihoods.
Congratulations to the Kano State Government and the Ministry of Education on this important milestone.
Dr Auwalu Halilu
Co-Chair (CSOs), Kano State Accountability Forum on Education (K-SAFE).
