Opinion
Resurgence of Interest in Hausa Identity on Social Media: A Perspective

By Aliyu Ammani

Those following happenings in the social media, could not have missed the debates and controversies generated by the rise in tribal identity consciousness among the Hausa in Nigeria. Identity among the Hausa has been suppressed by the mischievous use of the tag “Bamaguje”, masked by “Hausa-Fulani” and “Arewa” labels, and tacitly put to question over the years.
Many people see in this increasing consciousness, a threat to the coexistence between the Hausa and the Fulani, two tribes that have been living together for centuries in Hausaland.
Series of conspiracy theories are churn out to explain the genesis of this resurgence on social media, most of which borders on the ridiculous. The conspiracy theorists appeared not to see the wood for the trees.
There are 2 basic reasons behind the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity in Nigeria today.
First, the Bororo Fulani banditry in Hausaland on populations that are essentially Hausa, and its attendant destruction of lives and properties, maiming, looting, raping of women, kidnapping for ransom etc.
Thousands of towns and villages across Hausaland were sacked. Communities of free law abiding citizens forced back to the dark age of slavery; abled bodied men attacked and abducted, sometimes right inside mosques on Fridays.
The perpetrators of these heinous crimes are always willing to tell the world that they are
Fulani, fighting for Fulani against the Hausa. The reader can hear from the Horse’s Mouth in the following audio-visual documentaries available on YouTube: (i) BBC Africa Eye Documentary “The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara”, (ii) Trust TV’s “Nigeria’s Banditry ‘The Inside Story’” and. (iii) a video coverage of Dr Ahmad Gumi’s meeting with Zamfara Bandits at Shinkafi.
Second, and most important, the attitude of city dwelling Fulani, including some notable traditional and religious leaders in Hausaland in the face of Bororo banditry.
Instead of publicly dissociating themselves from the atrocities of the Bororo bandits or publicly declaring that terrorists like Bello Turji, Dogo Gide and Ado Aleru do not represent the Fulani; they seem more comfortable fabricating excuses for the bandits in tongue-in-cheek statements like “their cattle were rustled”, “traditional cattle routes were blocked by new farmlands and settlements”, “the Fulani are not in it alone, there are other tribes including the Hausa aiding and supporting them” “the Fulani are neglected by the governments, …” etc.
Not a single traditional ruler in mainstream Hausaland came out to publicly take an impartial stand as did the emir of Muri.
Even Miyetti Allah, the Fulani association that is always quick to cry blue murder whenever the interest of the Bororo appeared threatened, appeared to lose its voice.
Thus, projecting an impression that while Bororo Fulani are busy terrorising and destroying essentially Hausa populations and settlements; city Fulani are busy manufacturing and propagating excuses and justifications for the atrocities.
Can one sincerely justify banditry or rebellion by Fulani in Hausaland, a land that is practically a Fulani territory?
The most important traditional rulers in Hausaland are Fulani. The key political figures and public officials in Hausaland are Fulani. The most notable Islamic clerics and religious leaders are Fulani. Even in Hausa settlements outside Hausaland, the heads of the communities, known as “Sarakunan Hausawa” (singular- Sarkin Hausawa) majority are Fulani. The Fulani should be the last to rebel in Hausaland!
The Hausa, hitherto conditioned to accept that he has ‘his back covered’ by the Fulani, feels betrayed. With the scales falling off his eyes, he began to see the writing on the wall: “You are on Your Own”. This ignites the process that sparked the chain of reactions that we are now seeing on social media as the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity, what others see as the dissociation of Hausawa from the Fulani.
There is indeed the tendency that a reawakening of identity consciousness among the Hausa is capable of igniting an equal spark in Fulani identity among the almost “hausanised” Fulani in Hausaland. This could lead to an upsurge in identity politics among both groups, which could lead to extremism where elements from both tribes could begin to see and interpret processes and events on a “we versus them’ basis.
Traces of such extremism are already visible. However, the possibility of such tendency should not be reason enough to deny the Hausa of their rights to tribal identity, association and aspirations, for the simple reason that other Nigerian tribes have been enjoying such rights without posing any threat to their coexistence with other tribes in Nigeria.
The upsurge in Hausa identity revival has started and cannot be stifled or halted, the genie is already out of the bottle.
The question that begs for an answer is “which way forward”?
The way forward is not in the identification and clamping down on the persons or group managing pro Hausa identity revival social media handles as is being suggested by some Islamic clerics across Northern Nigeria. This is more likely to compound rather than solve the problem.
The solution is for the ‘organised Fulani front’ to confront and respectfully address the fears of the Hausa people (of a conspiracy to annihilate them), assure them and publicly dissociate the Fulani from the activities of terrorists like Bello Turji & Co, and commence the process of rebuilding mutual trust and respect between the Hausa and Fulani.

Opinion
Kano: My City, My State

By Huzaifa Dokaji
Kano is not a place you reduce to a headline or dismiss with a stereotype. It is a city with too many layers for that- too much memory, too many voices. This is the Kano of Muhammadu Rumfa, the ruler who gave it form and vision, and of Ibrahim Dabo, the scholar-king. The Kano of Kundila and Dangote, where wealth meets ingenuity.

It is the Kano the British once described as the ‘London of Africa,’ the Tripolitans praised as ‘a city like a thousand others’, each one magnificent—and its own people, knowing its complex social and ideological chemistry, named tumbin giwa, the intestine of an elephant: vast, winding, and full of hidden depths.
Kano has always carried many lives at once. It is the home of Shehu Tijjani Na Yan Mota and the sanctuary of Abdullahi dan Fodio when he felt the revolution had been betrayed. It is Madinar Mamman Shata and the home of Aminu Ala, the author of the philosophical Shahara and masterfully composed Bara a Kufai. This is the same Kano that made Dauda Kahutu Rara, the master of invective lyrics, and Rabiu Usman Baba, the Jagaban of Sha’irai.
Here, contradictions do not cancel each other, they coexist. It is the city of yan hakika and yan shari’a, of Izala and Tariqa, of Shaykh Rijiyar Lemo and of Shaykh Turi. It is the Kano where people will argue passionately about doctrine, then share tea afterward. Where silence and speech, mysticism and reform, are all part of the same long interesting yet boring conversation.
This is the Kano of the diplomatic Emir Ado Bayero and combatant Muhammad Sanusi II. Of Rabiu Kwankwaso, the red-cap-wearing jagora, and of the agreeable Ibrahim Shekarau. It is that same Kano of the incorruptible Malam Aminu Kano and Dollar-stuffing Ganduje. The cosmopolitan city of Sabo Wakilin Tauri and of the saintly Malam Ibrahim Natsugune.
If not Kano, then what other city could birth Barau Kwallon Shege, the bard of the profane, and welcome Shaykh Ibrahim Nyass, the towering saint of the mystics? Where else but Kano would you find Shaykh Nasiru Kabara- scholar and Sufi master- sharing the same cityscape with Rashida dan Daudu and all the remembered and forgotten Magajiyoyin Karuwai? This is the Kano of yan jagaliya and attajirai, of the sacred and the profane, the pulpit and the street. The Salga and of Sanya Olu and Ibedi streets. Kano has never pretended to be a city of one truth, its greatness lies in the multitude it carries.
So when people speak carelessly about Kano, they miss the point. Kano is not a relic. It is alive. It debates itself. It holds its tensions with pride. And like Adamu Adamu said, “the story of this enigmatic city is simple and straight backward – and , in the end one can only say Kano is Kano because Kano is Kano – and that’s all; for; it is its own reason for being.”
You don’t explain Kano. You respect it.
This was first published on Huzaifa Dokaji’s Facebook account.

Opinion
Kano: A City of Memory, Enterprise and Enduring Spirit

Abdulrazak Ibrahim
During my undergraduate years in the 90s, I spent countless hours offering private lessons to the children of the affluent in Kano, especially within the Lebanese community around Bompai.

What began as a modest hustle blossomed into a wide-reaching network of tutors that spanned the city. That was just within the realm of teaching.
But as a son of Kano, my connection to the city runs far deeper. I’ve walked its pulse-literally. I would trek from BUK to Bata, soaking in the rhythm of life on every street.
I lived once in Kabara, where I was fully immersed in the city’s rich traditions, especially during the annual Durbar festivities at my late uncle’s house-he was the then Sakin Hawa of Sarkin Kano.
I watched Kano expand before my eyes.
I spent countless evenings at Wapa Cinema and served as a census enumeration officer, counting the people of Tudun Nupawa, Marmara, and Soron Dinki.
I travelled across the state-from Albasu to Zakirai-witnessing its cultural and economic breadth.
I’ve seen immigrants from across the Sahel flock to this city, drawn by its promise of life and trade.
My own town of birth, Kura-a local government in the state-is now home to some of the largest rice production and processing clusters in Africa, a true testament to Kano’s agricultural prowess and enduring relevance in food systems development.
I frequented Kofar Ruwa market, where my father’s spare parts shops were located, and where I regularly interacted with Igbo traders from across Nigeria.
I was creditworthy to the newspaper vendor at Bata and the Tuwo seller near a filling station in Kabuga.
Life in Kano was textured and vibrant
As university students, we attended musical concerts at Alliance Française and danced the night away at Disco J.
As secondary school students, we debated fiercely and won inter-secondary school quizzes and competitions, sharpening minds and building futures.
Almost every doctor, engineer, pharmacist, or scientist from Kano passed through one of our renowned science secondary schools-many of them going on to set records on both national and global stages.
Kano is not just a city-it is a living legacy. It pulses with innovation and enterprise. From agriculture to industrial production, logistics to sustainable manufacturing, food and nutrition to textiles and services, Kano is a mosaic of possibilities.
Here, livelihoods are not stumbled upon-they are forged with creativity and intent.
In this city, it’s nearly impossible not to find a means of sustenance. Kano is, indeed, abundance in motion.
Our story is not a modern miracle. Our industries and institutions are rooted in antiquity, stretching back thousands of years.
Perhaps that is why Kano is so often misunderstood-and even envied, as seen in the recent uproar sparked by a misguided, lowbrow TikToker with neither education nor depth.
From distant corners, individuals from places ravaged by material lack and intellectual barrenness often log on to the internet to hurl slurs at a people and culture they neither understand nor care to.
But we know who we are.
And we will protect that identity.
We will labour to ensure that Kano continues to flourish, to lead, and to evolve-technologically and economically-without losing its philosophical soul or cultural roots.
As Professor Uba Abdallah so wisely declared: “When a man is tired of Kano, that man is tired of life.”
And Kano-our Kano-is still full of life.
Still bold, still brilliant, still ours.

Opinion
Support for President Tinubu’s Policies and Call for the Appointment of Hisham Habib as Political Adviser

By Auwal Dankano
We, a coalition of concerned citizens and political stakeholders, express our unwavering support for the bold and decisive policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu aimed at revitalizing our nation and securing a prosperous future for all Nigerians.
President Tinubu’s commitment to economic reform, infrastructural development, and social welfare initiatives demonstrates a clear vision for progress. We commend his administration’s efforts to address the challenges facing our country, and we believe that with continued dedication and strategic leadership, Nigeria will overcome these obstacles and achieve its full potential.
In light of the recent resignation of Hakeem Baba-Ahmed as Political Adviser, we urge President Tinubu to consider the appointment of Hisham Habib as his successor. Hisham Habib is a seasoned political strategist with a proven track record of effective communication, policy analysis, and stakeholder engagement. His extensive experience and deep understanding of the Nigerian political landscape make him an ideal candidate to serve as a trusted advisor to the President.

Hisham Habib’s qualifications include: A degree in English and attended courses in politics and journalism in both local and overseas. He works with media houses up to the level of managing editor, and he was the first set of publishers of online newspapers in Nigeria.
He also served a the Director media of NNPP presidential and govarnatorial election, as well as appointed as Managing Director of Kano State own Radio station.
Many remember him as the pioneer chairman of NNPP, Kano state chapter , whose political expertise help the party win the number one seat in Kano.
As he decamped to the ruling APC, he build a strong chain , that will make our great party victorious at the fourth coming elections.
We believe that Hisham Habib’s appointment would strengthen the President’s advisory team and enhance the effective implementation of his administration’s agenda. His expertise in political strategy and his commitment to national development align perfectly with President Tinubu’s vision for Nigeria.
We call upon President Tinubu to give serious consideration to Hisham Habib’s candidacy and to appoint him as Political Adviser. We are confident that his contributions will be invaluable in advancing the President’s goals and ensuring the success of his administration.
We also want to call the attention of Mr President to consider Auwal Dankano for a national assignment. Auwal is the chairman of Rwinwin, a movement that worked tirelessly toward the success of president Tunubu in the last elections year.
Dankano is a quantity surveyor, with over two decades of field experience, and always promote APC and President Tunubu masses oriented policies.
Ha was a board member of Kano Micro finance, as well as Representative of Kano State , in Northern Governor’s Forum.
We reaffirm our unwavering support for President Tinubu and his efforts to build a stronger, more prosperous Nigeria.
Auwal Dankano
National Chairman
APC Forum of Intellectuals.
