Opinion
Kperogi: A captive of raw emotions
Professor Aliyu Barau
In adding my voice to the latest Kperogi’s punch on the Emir of Kano MSII; I opt to go the way of science. Scientists deploy tools such as ‘research questions’ to find answers for what is unknown and use ‘research hypothesis’ on things which little is known about both in theory and practice. Examples of research questions could be: ‘can influential individuals help the government’s economic policies?’; or ‘can an Emir speak openly in a democratic setting? Examples of research hypotheses could be: ‘Kperogi is a confused academic and journalist’; or ‘Kperogi is not a sadist academic.’ After conducting a study scientists find answers to the research questions through multiple opinions, perspectives, and contexts that deepen our understanding. For research hypotheses, we accept or reject whether Kperogi is indeed a sadist or not, a confused academic/journalist or not. If you profess professorship, you must divorce sentiments. Kperogi’s overloaded bag of insults are unguided by science or decent knowledge. For him, English is a language and a rough and raw tool to misinform the uninformed living in the neo-Babel Tower.
According to myths, arrogance and ignorance made humans build the Tower of Babel to outsmart God. Then, God avenged by sowing confusion and strife among them by making them speak different languages. When humans cannot understand each other bitterness flourishes. Thus, language underpins conflicts and is a strong weapon of disseminating misinformation and disinformation. On the other hand, the Ivory Tower is the rendezvous of knowledge, though an idiom – to ‘live in the Ivory Tower’ denotes being inexperienced or disconnected from the world realities. Nigeria is a Babel Tower in its own right and its Ivory Tower is both amazing and disgusting. Kperogi belongs to both towers – one for a curse and the other for a cause.
I am prompted to pick holes in the ways Kperogi takes a swipe on Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano. Of course, I am not raising a firewall to fortify the Emir. It is apparent that Sanusi has been in the crosshairs of Kperogi – who lays siege looking for any possible angle to strike. I am particularly distressed by the hideous and superficial scholarship that Professor Kperogi personifies. In 2022, I felt it was compelling to respond to Kperogi’s nonsense when he shamelessly threatened to renounce his Nigerian citizenship should Tinubu emerge as Nigeria’s President. I don’t think Kperogi is the right person to write about the rift between Tinubu and Sanusi because both of them are clowns in the sight of his pen. I know it is not a repentance, and I hope it is not a means to curry favour with Tinubu’s camp. Writing on Sanusi’s Lagos outburst, I expect Kperogi to be deeply critical and analytical.
Academics and outstanding journalists have emotions, but their professionalism guides them to be careful, disinterested, and cautious. I remember the clash of the African giants – Ali Mazrui and Wole Soyinka in the 1990s. It was a merciless and smoldering battle of pens from whose storm settles dazzling knowledge and mastery of language. The duo fired salvos at each other with supreme argumentation exuding sounds and aromas of philosophy, faith, science, logic and above all critical thinking. Kperogi’s attacks on Sanusi are essentially based on ‘out of context statements’ and very unscholarly. Expectedly, the Tinubu’s government responded through boilerplate statements typical of the Nigeria Government media portfolio. For Kperogi, everything is about Sanusi’s hubris and unguarded orals. To me, there is more to this, the examples of questions and hypothesis that I have raised drive how I respond to Kperogi’s unscholarly take on the ‘text’ instead of the ‘context’.
African leaders like their counterparts everywhere can be understood better by looking at their complete lifecycle. This can be achieved through readings to dissect their histories, thinking, feelings, physique and emotions. PBS’ Frontline documentaries cover leaders such as MbS, Putin and Xi Jinping by tracing their lifecycle and stages. Each film on these personalities traces their childhood moments to background how and why they behave the way they do. Critics of Sanusi should at least use Johari Window theory (from Joseph Luft and Harrington Ingham) to understand him in light of the theory’s four windows. Although this theory is meant for individuals to understand themselves heuristically, we can apply it in understanding why people behave the way they do.
There are many Nigerians – living under democratic atmosphere- who wish to see Sanusi and the like silenced or be as silent as a statue. Such people think traditional rulers are meant to be permanently reticent. Such notion or belief is actually backgrounded in colonial mentality and is aimed at gagging the colonized. The British royals are known for observing what is called ‘stiff upper lip’. I am not disputing royal etiquettes which also weakens progressively with time. However, in recent times, we have seen how Prince Harry, born by the stiff upper lip, butchered it in the most horrendous way. Even the heir-apparent, Prince William is widely reported calling the royal stiff upper lip dangerous to their mental health. Kperogi should learn to let Sanusi speak his mind. On the other hand, it is insulting that traditional rulers are caged as ‘agents’ of every governor or government – the good, the bad, the ugly.
On the matter of his friends, unknown to Kperogi, methinks Sanusi plays very smart and proud in his talks. As an economist, he knows the value of the ‘Stop Rule.’ It is called the hard-and-fast simple rule of avoiding frustration. Gerald M. Loeb (1899-1974) in his classic, The Battle for Investment Survival cautioned that investors must apply a Stop Rule once the values start declining. Maybe, Sanusi applies the Stop Rule to his friends whose behaviors apparently honk at him signaling devaluation of the friendship. Many scientists postulate that only 20% and to the maximum of 50% of our friends are real, others are just numbers.
Relatedly, many people felt Sanusi is a narcissist for saying he withheld his advice to the government. I see it differently, individuals with knowledge and proven track records can help governments to turn around the economy. The controversial US ‘Prime Minister’ Elon Musk as Jeffery Sachs calls him is an example. Today, no one in Nigeria would deny that petroleum pricing including subsidy removal is the most frustrating economic issue for both Government and the citizens. Again, nobody can deny that Ali Dangote is the most important private sector player in the petroleum sector. In Nigeria, nobody can deny that the Government has frustrated Ali Dangote to the highest skies. Nobody can deny that Dangote is inflammably incensed. Dangote’s historic shame-breaker investment in the sector should earn him the best spectacular rewards and not the hell he sees. In the US, Beta, Apple, Amazon, Google, Walmart and many others are seen as the face of America and these giants enjoy apparent and cryptic support from every Government in the US. In China Tiktok, BYD and Alibaba and the rest are seen by the Government as the scions of the Government. Dangote is being orphaned and humiliated. This dehumanizing treatment Dangote is receiving is costly for Nigeria. It will take years and prime efforts to fix it. I learned that some investors from North Africa recoiled on the grounds that if Dangote is mishandled in his fatherland, what would be for them. Now, nobody in Nigeria can deny that Emir Sanusi and Dangote are trusted friends. I assume Sanusi could ‘help’ the government to reconcile with Dangote. The Government needs to be assisted to restore the confidence of local and foreign investors. Dangote testimony is about the only one that investors would believe and not any choreographed statements of the Government.
This is how I choose to deconstruct Kperogi by adding my opinion and perspectives to answer the question I raised in the beginning. It is left to the reader to either accept or reject my hypothesis on who actually Keprogi is. One thing I am sure of is that Kperogi’s pen swims in raw emotions. I repeat that betrays his academic ranking and position which I queried for being not-flying in my earlier treatise on his petty products.
Opinion
Farm Centre Under Siege: Kano Must Reject Political Violence Before 2027
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim
By all standards, the recent violent invasion of Kano’s bustling GSM Farm Centre Market by suspected political thugs is a dangerous development that must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. What transpired on Monday, April 27, 2026, was not merely an attack on traders and innocent citizens; it was an assault on public peace, economic prosperity, and the very foundations of democratic engagement.
Farm Centre is not just another market. It is one of the largest mobile phone and information technology hubs in Northern Nigeria, attracting traders, investors, and customers from across the country and neighbouring nations. Its vibrancy has made it a critical contributor to Kano’s economy and a symbol of the state’s commercial strength. Any attack on such a strategic economic centre is, by extension, an attack on Kano itself.
The scenes were deeply disturbing. Shops were looted, while vehicles and motorcycles were vandalised, and many innocent people sustained injuries. Traders—many of whom are still struggling to recover from previous devastating fire outbreaks—have once again been thrown into uncertainty, pain, and financial hardship.
Even more troubling is the fact that the Kano Passport Office is located within the vicinity. Such brazen violence near a sensitive federal facility raises serious security concerns and presents an unfortunate image of Kano to both local and international visitors.
Although the politician allegedly linked to the incident has denied involvement, the episode underscores a much larger and more troubling reality: the growing recklessness of political actors and their inability or unwillingness to restrain their supporters.
As the 2027 general elections approach, Kano cannot afford a return to the dark days when political contests were settled through violence, intimidation, and destruction. Democracy thrives on ideas, persuasion, and the ballot—not on thuggery, fear, and bloodshed.
Political leaders must understand that they bear both moral and legal responsibility for the actions of their followers. Silence in the face of violence is complicity, while ambiguity only emboldens criminal elements who exploit political rivalries for personal gain.
While the swift intervention of the police—including the deployment of teargas and the arrest of six suspects—helped restore order, the incident has once again exposed glaring limitations in the security architecture around Farm Centre. The police division is evidently overstretched and unable to respond effectively to large-scale disturbances in such a densely populated commercial area.
This is why the Kano State Government must immediately strengthen the operational capacity of the Kano State Vigilante Group and, more importantly, fully leverage the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Established with an initial strength of 2,000 personnel drawn from all 44 local government areas, the Corps was specifically designed to complement conventional security agencies. The law establishing it wisely insulates it from partisan politics, ensuring professionalism, neutrality, and community trust. Under the capable leadership of retired Lieutenant Colonel Aminu Abdulmalik, the Corps possesses the discipline, structure, and local intelligence needed to provide rapid response and preventive security.
The time has come for its strategic deployment to critical economic hubs such as Farm Centre.
Recommendations for Immediate Action
First, all political parties and aspirants must publicly commit to peaceful conduct and take responsibility for the actions of their supporters.
Second, law enforcement agencies must thoroughly investigate the incident and prosecute all those found culpable, regardless of political affiliation.
Third, security presence at Farm Centre should be significantly enhanced through a joint task force comprising the Police, Civil Defence, and the Kano Neighbourhood Safety Corps.
Fourth, the Kano State Government should establish a permanent rapid-response security unit dedicated to protecting major commercial centres.
Fifth, political leaders must invest in civic education, teaching their supporters that elections are contests of ideas, not battles for survival.
Finally, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society organisations, and the media must intensify advocacy against political violence and promote a culture of tolerance.
A Test for Kano
Kano stands at a critical crossroads. The state can either allow desperate politicians and criminal elements to drag it backwards or rise above violence and preserve its proud reputation as the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria.
The attack on Farm Centre must serve as a wake-up call. Political ambition must never be allowed to supersede public safety. The livelihoods of hardworking citizens must never become collateral damage in the pursuit of power.
Kano deserves better. Its traders deserve protection. Its democracy deserves maturity.
The journey to 2027 must begin with a firm and collective rejection of political violence in all its forms. Anything less would be a betrayal of the people.
Comrade Abbas Ibrahim writes from Kano and can be reached at abbasibrahim664@gmail.com
Opinion
Who will fill the late Ibrahim Galadima’s shoes?
Jamilu Uba Adamu
Last week, while writing a tribute to the late Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, one question kept haunting me: who will fill his shoes?
Kano, with its long tradition of producing great men across every sector—from business and politics to academia and sports—has never failed to replace its icons.
In sports administration, Kano’s roots run deep. At independence, the Premier of the Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, appointed the late Alhaji Muhammadu Danwawu of Kano as the Northern Region’s sports administrator. Decades later, in 1991, the state produced the Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, Alhaji Yusuf Garba Ali.
That tradition was sustained by the immense contributions of stalwarts like the late Alhaji Isiyaku Muhammed, the late Alhaji Usman Nagado, and the late Alhaji Abdullahi Abba Yola—men who served the game with distinction and left footprints in administration, mentorship, and institutional growth. Alongside them were other excellent administrators such as Alhaji Tukur Babangida, Alhaji Ibrahim Abba, Dr. Sharif Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, Bashir Ahmad Maizare, among others.
Now, with the passing of Alhaji Ibrahim Galadima, a pressing question emerges: *who will fill his shoes?*
Galadima was not just an administrator; he was an institution. As a former NFA Chairman, he brought credibility, order, and dignity to Nigerian football during turbulent times. His shoes are large—not merely because of the offices he held, but because of the integrity, courage, and vision with which he led.
Yet, if history is any guide, Kano’s well of leadership has never run dry. From Alhaji Danwawu at independence, to the era of Isiyaku Muhammed and Usman Nagado, through Yusuf Ali in 1991, and down to Galadima in the 2000s, the state has consistently raised men of character to step into moments of transition. The challenge before us is not whether Kano can produce another Galadima, but whether we can create the environment that allows such leaders to emerge and thrive.
The vacuum is real. The legacy is intact. The question remains: who among the next generation will rise to it?
Adamu writes from Kano and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com
Opinion
A Baby in 1956, A Granny in 2026; An Idol in 2096: Abdalla Uba Adamu’s Yesterday is Tomorrow
Prof. Aliyu Barau
Professor Abdalla was barely 11 years old when the 1967 science fiction film, Tomorrow is Yesterday, written by D.C. Fontana, was released. The film explores the possibility of traveling back and forth in time. I chose this caption with the understanding that science has shaped Abdalla’s trajectory in academia. Even as a child, he vigorously pursued science. He would ride his bicycle to the commercial side of Kano to buy books from the Kano-based missionary bookstore—the Challenge Bookshop—whose worn-out structure I once knew along Niger Street.
What exactly happened in 1956, and what connections does he have with that year? This is interesting because some events of 1956 may have shaped Abdalla into who he is today. For instance, anyone close to him knows of his fascination with the Kingdom of Morocco, which gained independence in 1956, just as Sudan did. I am not certain whether the Professor has any strong connection with Sudan; however, I would not be surprised, given his work in neo-Ajamisation scholarship. If you know his passion for popular culture, then you should also know that 1956 marked the rise of Elvis Presley. He made his debut on The Ed Sullivan Show and topped music charts, fueling the rock-and-roll era. If you wonder why Abdalla has ventured deeply into the worlds of media and communication, consider that the world’s first transatlantic telephone cable was commissioned in 1956. And if you admire the way Professor Abdalla writes and speaks English with a Midlands sharpness, you should recall that Queen Elizabeth II visited Kano in 1956. These moments symbolically map his journey through time since his birth in 1956.
Professor Abdalla is already something of a scholarly “grand old figure,” as even the students of his students became professors a few years ago. I often find it difficult to call him merely a professor; he is more of a mallam in the true sense of the word in Hausaland, and even more a mwalimu in the truest sense of Swahililand.
Like him or hate him, Abdalla Uba Adamu remains one of the most genuinely apolitical intellectual vanguards Kano has ever produced. Whether you acknowledge it or not, no position has ever—and will ever—distract him from true scholarship. Agree or disagree, nothing can rob him of his golden joviality. You may tower over him physically, but he will dwarf you intellectually. What is striking about Abdalla’s scholarship is its velocity—like a supersonic missile traveling at Mach 15 (a hypersonic speed roughly equivalent to 18,500 km/h, or 11,500 mph). I have yet to see any of his students come close to matching his intellectual range, even as age and retirement approach him. Allah ya kara lafiya. Truly, in Abdalla, we have a rare scholar.
Personally, I say with confidence that I share a genuine and natural relationship with Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu. With all humility, I can say that this rare scholar holds me in high regard. Whenever I call him and he misses the call, he always returns it, and I leave the conversation uplifted by his humour. Za mu sha hira. I know the people in his good and bad books. Throughout Bayero University Kano, I doubt there is anyone who has taken as deep an interest in my academic progress as Abdalla. I can proudly say I am among the few he trusted to co-author a journal article, even though we come from different disciplines but share common interests. He constantly tracks my progress, often calling to congratulate me: “I have seen your paper on ResearchGate or Google Scholar. I am happy. Please keep working.” Many people do not know how humble and philanthropic Professor Abdalla is, but Allah knows. May Allah reward his hidden deeds and guide him to Jannah. One example is his remarkable act of building a house for a homeless blind man.
In 2006, Professor Abdalla served as the team lead for Celebrating Arts in Northern Nigeria, a project by the British Council and the Prince’s School of Traditional Arts, London. The project culminated in a visit by His Majesty King Charles III, then the HRH Prince of Wales. Abdalla ensured that Nasiru Wada Khalil and I participated fully in the activities, giving us the opportunity to benefit. He stepped aside to create space for us. When the Prince arrived and engaged with us at the British Council, I seized the opportunity to present him with a copy of my book, Environment and Sustainable Development in the Qur’an (with the approval of the British High Commission). I still remember Abdalla telling me, “Kayi daidai; nima da ina da shi, wallahi da na ba shi.” Just imagine—such humility.
At his retirement, social media was filled with tributes celebrating this rare scholar. I am optimistic that by 2096, long after both Abdalla and I are gone, the Hausa world will be idolising and drawing inspiration from his erudition and service to humanity. Even in death, his scholarship will continue to shape the future. One final lesson I have learned from him is that one should be in the university not for money or political positioning. This is a principle he firmly believes in—and one I also uphold.
Abdalla na Allah. Allah ya sa mu cika da imani. Abdalla conquers yesterday and tomorrow.
Prof. Aliyu Barau teaches at
Bayero University, Kano.
